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• v. 

Primitive travel and 

Otis Tufton Mason 

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1 *»' 




Curator , P*f>artment of Ethnology ■, {/. .S. National Museum. 

From the Report of the U. S. National Museum for 1894, pages 237-5Q3, 
with plates 1-25 and figures 1-260. 



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Curator, Department of Ethnology, U. S. National Museum. 


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By Otis Tufton Mason, 
Curatory Department of Ethnology, U. S. National Museum. 


Invention has to do with the resources and forces of nature applied 
to human weal. In the earth, the waters, and the air, in the composite 
activity of the sun, in cosmic matter and powers little understood, are 
to be found the materials and servants by whose ministrations the cun- 
ning spirit of man effects those artificialities of life and culture which 
constitute the body of human industries, aesthetic arts, languages, 
social life, commerce, philosophies, and cults. 

The complete account of the human species acquiring the resources 
of nature and dominating and understanding her forces is the history 
of culture. 

The human species has approached, and in its best estate does now 
approach, the material resources of the earth under the impulse of five 
sets of motives, to wit: 

(1) To explore, secure, aud domesticate them. 

(2) To change their form, to manufacture them. 

(3) To move them and themselves artificially. 
. (4) To exchange, measure, and value them. 

(5) To consume or to enjoy them. 

The progress of the world started with these five primitive, funda- 
mental activities. It is the purpose of the present publication to con- 
sider the third class, in their earliest forms and in relation to the others, 
so far as they are illustrated in the U. S. National Museum. 

The manipulation of the material resources of nature involves in 
the second place the knowledge, the domestication, and the training of 

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force or power, which may be thus set forth in its sources, epochs, and 

Power of— Epoch of— 

1. Man The hand. 

A nthropokineticH. 

2. Beast Domestication Zookinetica. 

3. Elastic springs War and hunting Elatero kinetic*. 

4. Fire Mastery Therraoki netic 

I pyro kinetics. 

5. Wind The sail A nemokinetics. 

6. Water Rude machines , Hydrokinetics. 

7. Steam Machinery Atmokinetics. 

8. Chemism Scientific industry Chemykinetics. 

9. Electricity Ideal invention in speech I Electrokinetics. 

light, and motion. 

10. Light . 

Cosmic invention Photokinetics. 

Among these sources of motion or motors it will be quickly noted 
that the first two derive their activity from animal muscle, the rest 
through some sort of device that takes the place of the human body. 
It will also be understood that for the purposes ot invention the pow- 
ers or forces may again be divided into two classes, the first being 
man power, the second class including all the rest enumerated. All 
artificial work goes back to man, all work is imitation of man's work, 
the primitive form of every moving device is the human body. 1 

Nature furnishes ready motive power in moving air and water. All 
other forms of mechanical motion, not excepting muscular power, 
require the application of heat, and this is obtained through combustion. 

The mechanical nomenclature of all language is largely derived from 
the bodies of animals. Thus in English we have the head of a ship, 
river, lake, jetty, bolt, etc.; the brow of an incline; the crown of an 
arch; the toe of a pier; the foot of a wall; the forefoot, heel, ribs, 
waist, knees, skin, nose, and dead eyes of a ship; also turtlebacks and 
whalebacks; the jaws of a vice; the claws of a clutch; the teeth of 
wheels; necks, shoulders, eyes, nozzles, legs, ears, mouths, lips, cheeks, 
elbows, feathers, tongues, throats, and arms; caps, bonnets, collars, 
sleeves, saddles, gussets, paddles, fins, wings, crabs, horns, donkeys, 
monkeys, and dogs; flywheels, running nooses, crane necks, grasshop- 
per engines, etc. 2 

The use of these natural forces and their application in the five 
great classes of industry above named gradually led invention to the 
discovering or devising of mechanical powers, to sacrifice time in order 
to overcome resistance too great for individual effort, to secure the co- 
operation of many persons or animals in one work, and to make effec- 
tive the forces just mentioned in ways innumerable. The mechanical 

>Cf. J. H. Cooper, Iconographic Encyclopedia, vi, p. 193, and the author's work 
on the "Origins of Invention," London, 1894. 

2 Cf. Jeremiah Head, Rep. Brit. Assoc, 1893, p. 8«2. 

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powers, in short, make possible the differentiation of employment and 
the organized cooperation which constitute a higher grade of industry. 

The mechanical powers, as they are called, seem to have come into 
vogue in the following order: 

(1J The weight, for hammers, traps, and pressure; later on for 

(2) The elastic spring, in bows, traps, machines. 

(3) Inclined and declined plane, in locomotion and transportation. 

(4) The lever, of all kinds. 

(5) The wedge, in riving and tightening. 

(6) The sled, on snow or prepared tracks. 

(7) The roller, for loads and in machine bearings. 

(8) The wheel, in travel and carriage. 

(9) Wheel and axle in many forms. 

(10) Pulleys, with or without sheaves. 

(11) Twisting, shrinking, and clamping devices. 

(12) The screw. 

It will be observed that for working with the forces enumerated, 
with or without the mechanical powers, tools and utensils are necessary 
in order to break, pierce, divide, unite, contain, move, and hold fast 
materials, and to make it possible for work to be doue. In another 
publication the author will discuss the aboriginal American mechanic 
and his industries, so it is not necessary here to enlarge upon this 
intricate subject. Suffice it to say that not only every tool, but device 
for transportation and work, includes three distinct parts, to wit: 

(1) The working part, which does the moving, breaking, battering, 
chipping, abrading, polishing, cutting, perforating, and so on. This 
portion of all appliances maintains a remarkably conservative plan of 
functioning. In the sled, for instance, or the sailing craft, the line aud 
curve of runners or the strakes have undergone little change. The 
material aud manipulation of the mechanical powers have changed 
amazingly, but uo one can alter the modus operandi or the equation of 
any one of them. 

(2) The manual part, or that connected with the human body or 
other prime mover that takes its place. The functioning part of a 
machine, to repeat, changes little, but the narrative of the harness of 
the motor or motive power constitutes the history of machinery. A 
very old-fashioned wagon differs from the latest freight train chiefly in 
the intricate engine and expensive track. The difference between a 
kaiak, with ribs of driftwood and skin of seal hide, and a cruiser, with 
ribs and skin of steel, is in the mode of pushing them through the 

(3) The attachment or attaching devices of tools and machines. In 
the woman's knife the blade is wedged, glued, or tied into the handle. 
In the sled the dog and the sled are made one by hooks, toggles, 
frogs, etc. This subject of binding, uniting, attaching, detaching, 

H. Mis. 90, pt. 2 16 

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can not be overlooked in the study of travel and transportation. Its 
relation to progressive culture, to geography, and climate is most inter- 
esting. It will be seen in the progress of this study that environment, 
grades of culture, and tribal idiosyncrasies may be excellently differen- 
tiated thereby. 

Agaiu, with each art goes a series of devices which may be classed 
under the general name of receptacles, their only functions being to 
contain other perishable or precious or fragile things. The sewing 
woman has her housewife, the artisan his tool chest, and every one his 
pockets. In the travel and transportation arts these containers go by 

a thousand names. The general term " pack- 
age," however, has been adopted to mclude 
them all. The carrying trade has intro- 
duced an enormous variety of devices for 
packing and enriched the vocabulary with 
such words as barrel, box, pint, quart, 
peck, bushel, cask, bag, sack, crate, hamper, 
hogshead, and tierce. Furthermore, the 
conveniences of packing, as well as strength 
for transport, has reduced many of these 
words to standards of measure and fixed the 
metrics of carrying; such words as barrel, 
tub, firkin, and load have definite meanings 
of contents gauged by the carrier aud now 
by law. These devices are sometimes per- 
manent, but oftener thrown away at the end 
of the journey. 

Among the inventions upon which ethnic 
and geographic traits are fastened the pack- 
ages should be carefully studied. It is these 
that in the present enormous commerce are 
counterfeited for the purpose of gain and 
fraud. W. II. Carles represents a Korean 
peasant woman not only bearing a burden 
on the head, done up in somewhat local 
fashion, but she has under her left arm a number of eggs wrapped in 
straw and looking not unlike strings of sausage 1 (fig. 1). 

The modifications of ail human phenomena that are the product of 
invention are far-reaching. They include changes— 

(1) In the things invented or products of invention, commonly called 

(2) In all the materials, processes, and apparatus involved. 

(3) In the mental condition aud powers of the inventor. 

(4) In the rewards and benefits of the invention. 

(5) In society, resulting from the invention. 



From a figure in Carle*'* ' Life in Korea.' 

'See figure on p. 63, "Life in Korea," New York, 1894, Macmillan & Co. 

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These changes have been very marked under the influence of travel 
and the carrying trade. A palace train does not resemble a savage 
woman's baby frame greatly, neither is a huge steamer like the sack 
on the back of a roustabout. The bustle of making and moving the 
former in each case is vastly greater. As for rewards, the savage 
woman gets nothing beyond a little easing of her load, and the rouster 
receives a few cents a day. The intellectual impulses in the beginning 
or copying stage and the ending or creative stage of an epoch-making 
invention differ in speed and momentum. And, as for the changes in 
society, nothing has contributed more to that end than beasts of burden 
and traction, ships and railroad trains. 

Yet the old transportation survives everywhere and obtrudes itself 
into the new. The most costly steamer is compelled by law to carry 
for each passenger a little life-preserver as rude as that on which the 
Assyrian soldier floated himself across a stream, and trains must always 
have on board folk-appliances. 

Among the negro population of Africa and in other savage commu- 
nities carrying is.a fine art. Fletcher and Kidder represent a woman 
bearing at the same time freight on her head and steadying it with 
the right hand, while she sustains her child on the lumbar region, 
wrapped in her shawl, and supported by the left hand. 

All the changes of exploiting nature's resources, forces, and powers — 
of the art of inveuting — have followed the laws of progress from — 

(1) Naturism to greater and greater artificiality. 

(2) Simplicity or monorganism to complexity or polyorganism. 

(3) Clumsiness to delicacy and economy. 

(4) Discomfort to comfort. 

(5) Solitary work to cooperation. 

(6) Individual weal to common weal. 

All of these laws apply to each class of work in the Patent Office, and 
it will be seen there that the number of patents concerned with the 
working out of this scheme in traveling devices is very great. 

From this point of view the climax of invention in any line of activity, 
individual or social, is the intentional and cooperative application of all 
knowledge to the production of new tools, machines, words, fine arts, 
social structures, and philosophies. This purposeful and systematic 
devising is the climax of the process. But in the beginning it was not 
so. Industries, fine arts, languages, social structures, aud beliefs 
almost created themselves, but each had in its processes and results 
the germs and becomings of all future human achievements. 

The relations of each element above mentioned in each class of notions 
to the earth as it is constituted rather than to the earth as a homoge- 
neous unit can not be neglected. In no class of human activities is 
the careful study of geography more demanded. This is so true that 
if the clothing, shoes, pack, and appliances of a traveler or porter be 
laid before a student of tbis subject, he will be able to describe with 

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tolerable accuracy the region or culture area, its temperature, weather, 
geographic features, and productions. 1 

Now every substance and thing before mentioned scarcely ever exists 
at first where it is needed or is used up where it is first takeu. The 
same is true of what is made out of those, and what is made out of 
these secondary, tertiary, and further products, the result of each activ- 
ity being the groundwork of another. None of them is wanted where it 
is produced. Hence the locomotive activity is a kind of middle trade 
in the most comprehensive and varied sense, a go-between and a carry- 
between for them all ad infinitum. 

Hence the endless running to and fro of men and women, covering 
in a single day fifty times the distance from the sun and back again. 
The miner, the quarryman, the gem collector; the gleaner, the lumber- 
man, and the farmer of every type; the hunter, the fisherman, and 
herdsman, all have to go and to haul all sorts of things to their work, 
before they deliver the goods to the manufacturer. After endless 
goings, carryings, and hauliugs about the establishment, the trans- 
portation has scarcely begun. The products must go away by land or 
by water, either to some other manufacturer to be further modified, or 
they must hid away to the centers of shipment; and thence, after having 
been lifted and lugged again and again, these products in new packages 
are ready for a journey to the seats of commerce; first of wholesale, 
then of retail. Now begin the little carryings of the endless procession 
of shoppers and porters. There would hardly seem to be anything else 
to do but to go and fetch. 

The carrying industry not only acts as middlemau between all other 
activities, but in its operations it absorbs a great deal of the life of the 
others. The mineral kingdom is the roadbed of water, snow, and earth 
over which locomotion passes. The inventor has not been idle in 
changing them for the historic evolution of the carrying art. The vege- 
table kingdom, in its forms of textile and timber, have always been 
indispensable to the mechanism of transportation. Animal products 
appear in receptacles, bone ware, rawhide lines, and a million kinds of 
leather bags. The building of baby cradles, carrying frames, wagons, 
boats, saddles, cars, not to mention clothing of special material and 
pattern for this industry, occupy thousands of men and womeu. Now 
in the primitive status the same person may in his life play many of 
these parts, or all the parts necessary. But these activities have to be 
performed by somebody always. It would be perfectly safe to say that 
every trade on earth did some specialized work for the traveler and 
common carrier. 

The three kingdoms of nature have been man's teachers. The very 
conduct of the earth, the waters, the air has provoked him to move- 
ment and transporting. The powers of nature keep the solid earth on 

'See Hahn's Map of Plant Industries, Petermann's Mittheilun^en, Jan., 1892: 
Proc. Koy. Geog. Soc, xiv, p. 182. 



the move, and the surface material, with all human beings, are impelled 
along. Every thing that floats in the water is an object lesson in loco- 
motion. The winds drive the clouds, which go away never to return; 
it scatters the leaves, and brings the snow or the summer. 

The living kingdoms are more instructive and suggestive. The 
beaver, the bird, the lamprey eel, the ant, and the bee are all indus- 
trious carriers. Their perseverauce and strength amaze the modern 
engineer. In a certain sense they were the instructors of man in the 
arts of travel and transportation. There are those who emphasize these 
facts to the great disparagement of our species. But after all it is the 
genius of invention which appropriates, dominates, and utilizes the 
whole world. It is true that they can be taught a little discretion in 
such matters. Jeremiah Head tells us that the donkey at Carisbrooke 

Fig. 2. 

From a photonrxpki in the V. S. National Muteum. by Rev. K. K. X Cleveland. 

castle draws water from a deep well by a treadmill arrangement just 
as well as a man could do it. He watches the rope on the barrel till 
the full pail rises above the parapet of the well, then slacks back a 
little to allow it to be rested thereon, and only then leaves the drum 
and retreats to the stable. 1 

Bearing on the head had a different effect on the ceramic art from that 
of burden bearing on the back or on beasts (fig. 2). The former is 
illustrated in the modern pitcher, with handle on the side, with the 
bulge near the bottom to bring the center of gravity as low down as 
possible, with the bottom concave, and often fitted with an extra rim, 
the lineal descendant of the carrier's head pad. There are features of 
the pitcher which have been occasioned by other than carrying motives, 
but the forms had the origin here described. 

1 Rep. Brit. Assoc, 1X93, p. 861. 

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All handle* and rims have their original motive in the carrying 
activity, and these elements when made decorative are survivals from 
the utilitarian epoch of the thing. Doubtless, carrying devices in 
dugout stems, in pottery, and in hard textiles had as their natural 
prototyiies objects which could be utilized with little modification. 
But it is also true that the genius of modification is the most marked 
human characteristic. The gourd with the receding bottom may be 
the prototype of the jar of the same form. It is also doubtless true 
that Sandwich Islanders selected the seeds of those gourds that had 
the most convenient carrying form, and these seeds were planted 
as a matter of course. After the same motive there are examples 
from various peoples of tying strings about gourds to give attach- 
ment to the carrying strap. This form is imitated iu pottery and 
basketry after it had been worked out in gourd culture. 

The illustration here given (pi. 1) is from a photograph in the 
U. 8. National Museum, taken by Hillers; of the Geological Survey. 
The woman rests the water jar on the head, without the pad, and the 
concave bottom shows how at the behest of the woman's comfort the 
shape of the vessel has been modified. The dark band at the bottom 
is the boundary line of what would be the bottom ring of the sling if 
one were there. 

Upon this artistic side the history of human movements over the 
earth and of the journeys which its productions have taken at the 
bidding and for the comfort of our species is like an enchanted dream. 
It is as though many ages back a naked man had started out in the 
world and was now returning clothed iu all the earth's finest fabrics, 
the winds, the ocean currents, fire and lightning rowing his boat or 
drawing his chariot. Through what experiences this one man must 
have passed to be in himself the epitome of all pedestrians, riders, 
and carriers and to have used every vehicle and sailing craft that ever 

Tralli c in its complexity and changes is also characterized by its 
noises. Surely the quiet peon urging his way along his lonely path is 
very different from the roar, the din, the rattle, the bells, the whistles 
one hears on Cortlandt street. The latter is a kind of Wagnerian 
symphony of transportation, in which discord heightens the harmony. 

Primitive commerce and all the carrying and running involved in 
primeval arts connected with food, shelter, clothing, rest, enjoyment, 
news carrying, and war were accomplished on the heads or foreheads, 
shoulders or backs, or in the hands of men and women ; and civilization, 
while it has invented many ways of burden bearing, finds also an end- 
less variety of uses for the old methods. How many thousands of our 
fellow-creatures are still in this condition of mere beasts of burden ! 
It is, for instance, only a few years since the invention of the pas- 
senger and freight elevator began to supplant that train of "hod car- 
riers," who have been since the beginning of architecture bearing 

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Zuni Woman Carrying Water. 

The water jar among the Pueblo Indians performs a double function; namely, 
for carrying and for storage. 

Carrying water on the head, and not on a beast or in a sling or canteen, requires 
the bottom of the jar to be either round and accompanied with a sustaining pad 
for the head and for the ground, or to be concave on the bottom, as in this plate. 
In most examples of Pueblo pottery the decorations are pictorial and symbolical. 

Jars with concave bottoms are extremely rare in ancient American collections, 
but carrying with the headband is in vogue from Smith Sound to Patagonia. It 
is possible, therefore, that the method here figured is post-Columbian. 

The woman is partly dressed for the occasion in blankets of her own handiwork 
in dark blue, red, and white wool, and adorned with a silver necklace made by a 
native jeweler. Her leggings are for out-of-door work. The sole of the moccasin 
has attached to it for the " upper" an entire deerskin, and as the old footing wears 
out, it is renewed at the sacrifice of the top, which constantly decreases in size. 
The upper is neatly doubled and wrapped about the limb. The carrying of water 
for all purposes was an unremitting task with the ancient cliff and mesa dwellers. 

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Report of National Museurr, 1894 - Mascn PLATE 1. 

Zuni Woman Carrying Water. 

From a photograph in the U. S. National Museum. 

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upward to its completion every wooden and brick structure in the 

To get something like an adequate conception of the enormous amount 
of labor performed by human backs, calculate the weight of every earth- 
work, mound, fort, canal, embankment, wooden, brick, metal, and stone 
structure and fabrication on earth. These have all been carried many 
times and elevated by human muscle. In the light of this contempla- 
tion, Atlas, son of Heaven and Earth, supporting on his shoulders the 
pillars of the sky, is the apotheosis of the human son of toil, and the 
gaping wonder of archaeologists over the hand-made structures of 
Thebes, Palenque, Carnac, and Salisbury Plain subsides to the level of 
a mathematical problem. Indeed, the great majority of earthworks 
mounds, menhirs, cairns, cromlechs, dolmens, and megalithic structures 
now to be seen witnessed the exertions of no other artisan than the 
human carrier and mover. 1 

The traffic by land and by sea has grown tenfold since 1850. The 
carrying trade is at present one of the chief occupations of men, as 
may be seen by the numbers employed on railways and in seagoiug 

Railways. Shipping. 

Europe ! 1,540,000 

United States I 874,000 

Other countries 480, 000 

Total 2,894,000 

550,000 ' 
60,000 | 


2, 090, 000 

705,000 | 3,599,000 

The gross receipts of the carrying trade in which the above men are 
employed amount to about £G50,000,000 sterling per annum. 2 
The incentives to going about and transportation are: 

(1) The necessity of food and comfort, the daily round. 

(2) The procurement of tools and materials necessary to the getting 
and preparing of the food and comforts of life, herding and droving. 

(3) Fear and desire for quiet, individual and social. 

(4) Love of conquest, the movements of hordes. 

(5) Desire to see and know what is beyond, exploration and intelli- 

(6) Gold and other rare treasures, prospecting. 

(7) Religious pilgrimage. 

(8) Involuntary movements. 

'For illustrations of women as beasts of burden, see the author's work, "Woman's 
Share in Primitive Culture," New York, 1894, chapter vi; Schoolcraft, History, 
etc., of the Indian tribes of the United States, vi, plate opposite p. 560; Wood, 
"Uncivilized Races/' I, p. 330 et seq.; Lucien Can*, "Mounds of the Mississippi 
Valley," and Isaac McCoy, "Coal Carriers in the West Indies," for calculation of 
the time required to build an earth mound. 

3 Mulhall, Contemp. Rev., 1894, p. 820. 

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Between the gratification centers are often long, cheerless spaces to 
be crossed and to increase the journey. 

In the satisfaction of these cravings the whole earth was occupied 
long ago by unlettered peoples. They walked most of the way; they 
swam and paddled in shallow waters; they followed the fishes, the 
birds, the mammals, the streams, the winds, the voices innumerable 
within them. No modern Crusoe has failed to see in the shore-sands 
the footprints of those fearless pedestrians and guideless sailors who 
in the darkness of human ignorance felt their way to nearly every 
corner of the world. 

The great forests never supported large aboriginal populations. 
There is a continuous tract north of the St. Lawrence, in Quebec and 
Ontario, extending to Hudson Hay and Labrador, 1,700 miles in length 
from east to west and 1,000 miles from north to south. Another tract 
lies in Washington State and British Columbia. A third occupies the 
valley of the Amazon, embracing much of northern Brazil, eastern 
Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador, Colombia, and Guiana — a region 2,100 miles 
long by 1,300 wide. In Africa, in the valley of the Kongo, including 
the head waters of the Nile to the northeast and those of the Zambesi 
on the south, is a forest region not less than 3,000 miles from north to 
south and of vast width from east to west. In Siberia, from the plains 
of Obi to the valley of the Indigirka, embracing the valleys of the 
Yenisei, Olenek, Lena, and Yana, is a timber belt more than 1,000 miles 
from north to south and a length of 3,000 miles from east to west. In 
Y r enisei, Lena, and Olenek are thousands of square miles where no 
human being has ever lived. 1 The same is true of arid regions. To 
keep the tribes of men in fraternal or inimical contact and to enable 
the progressive races to enjoy the fruits of the whole earth these unin- 
habitable regions had to be traversed. First they discouraged, then 
they demanded locomotion. 

Bandelier says : "In every age gold has presented one of the strong- 
est means of enticing men from their homes to remote lands, and 
of promoting trade between distant regions and the settlement of 
previously uninhabited districts." 2 

It has been previously intimated that one of the results of all inven- 
tions is the profound modification of society. In a special sense, 
society has had to adapt itself to the travel and traffic art. No two 
areas of the earth are alike in resources. Quite the contrary, all hab- 
itable places superabound in some requisite of human existeuce, some 
raw material, or spring, or good landing place, or sunny exposure, or 
source of power, or pasture land. The extreme variety of physiographic 
characteristics set agoing the activities we call traffic. Note that each 

] From the Youth's Companion. 

-"The Gilded Man," New York, 1893, D. Appleton & Co., mentions on pagel, the 
Argonauts, Hercules seeking the golden apples of the Hesperides, the settlement of 
the Phoenicians in Spain, and the journeys to Ophir. 

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little group or family has had its daily round of cares and then lain 
down to rest; the feet were tired as well as the hands. A day's jour- 
ney for all this group combined is the family round of activity. 

^Note again, that this little group in the course of a year has a suc- 
cession of seasons, and then the circle returns into itself. There is the 
hunting month, the fishing mouth, the planting month, the hoeing 
month, the berry month, and so on, till the year is exhausted. The 
amount of going, no matter where, of the whole group is the circle of 
annual activity. 

In the third place, it is almost impossible for one of these little groups 
in its daily round and annual circle to be so shut off from the rest of 
mankind as not to come in contact with other groups beyond their ter- 
ritory, and they carry on war or trade with them, mutually invading 
and being invaded. The total of all contacts let us call the sphere of 
influence or of contact. 

Again, there is an outside world, of which our group has heard, and 
in former years their ancestors moved in a part of it. Some of their 
own men have been there and relate marvelous stories on their return. 
The memory of the outside world is treasured up in story or myth or 
song, or acted in the tribal drama. They will tell in the southland of 
the place where there is neither sun nor trees and the people make their 
boats of sea-monsters' skins. Or perhaps there may be in western 
America the tale of a country where the trees are hollow. 

At any rate, ethnologists do not know of a time when there was not 
a deal of moving about over the earth and going away from home and 
returning, or of gettiug into a great highway or gulf stream of travel. 
These journey ings became world encompassing at the close of the 
fifteenth century of our era. These movings may be called the streams 
of human commerce and acquaintance. 

Finally, there is a heritage of experience and wisdom, a commerce 
of inventive thought, moving over the globe ever like the currents of 
the atmosphere. Temperatures, rainfalls, winds, hygienic conditions, 
depend upon the air currents. But here it is meant that there are 
thought movements into which and out of which our group may get 
themselves to modify or to crystallize their activities, their modes of 
travel and commerce especially. The social life of a people in its 
goings therefore includes — 

(1) Their daily round of actions from bed to bed. 

(2) Their annual circle of activities from year to year. 

(3) The sphere of influence or outside relations. 

(4) The streams of commerce, their contact with them. 

(o) The currents of intellectual force, more or less continuous in 
time and place. 

Mr. Ravenstein gives from Russian sources an interesting account 
of the manner in which the Orochons (Tungus stock) on the upper 
Amur spend their hunting year. In March they go on snowshoes over 

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snow, into which, at that season, cloven-footed animals sink, and shoot 
elks, roe, and muik deer, wild deer and goats; the tent being fixed in 
valleys and denies where the snow lies deepest. In April the ice on 
the rivers begin to move, and the huntsman, now turned fisherman, 
hastens to the small rivulets to net his fish. Those not required for 
immediate use are dried against the next month, which is one of the 
least plentiful in the year. In May they shoot deer and other game, 
which they have deroyed to certain spots by burning down the high 
grass in the valleys so that the young sprouts may attract the deer and 
goats. June supplies tiie hunter with antlers of the roe. These they 
sell at a high price to the Chinese for medicinal purposes. The Chinese 
merchants come north in this mouth, bringing tea, tobacco, salt, pow- 
der, lead, grain, butter, etc., so that a successful huntsman is then able 
to provide himself with necessaries for half the year. In July the 
natives spend a large part of the month catching fish, taken with nets 
or speared with harpoons. They are able also to spear the elk, which 
likes a water plant growing in the lakes. It comes down at night, 
wades into the water, and, while engaged tearing at the plant with its 
teeth, is killed by the huntsmau. In August they catch birds, speared 
at night iu the retired creeks and bays of the river and lakes. Their 
flesh, except that of the swan, is eaten, and the down is exchanged for ear 
and finger rings, bracelets, beads, and the like. Thus they spend the 
summer months, afterwards retiring again to the mountains for gam<\ 
In the beginning of September they prepare for winter pursuits. The 
leaves are falling, and it is the season when the roebuck and the doe are 
courting. The natives avail themselves of this, and by cleverly imitat- 
ing the call of the doe on a wooden horn entice the buck near enough 
to shoot him. Generally speaking, this is the plentiful season of the 
year so far as flesh is concerned; but, should the hunters not be fortu- 
nate, they live upon service berries and bilberries, which they mix with 
reindeer milk. They also eat the nuts of the Mauchu cedar and of 
the dwarf-like Cembra pine. The latter part of September and the 
beginning of October are again employed in fishing, for the fish then 
ascend the river to spawn. About the middle of October begins the 
hunting of fur bearing animals, the most profitable of all game, and 
this goes on till the end of the year. 1 

Speaking of the town of Leh in Kashmir as a center and exhibition 
ground of travel and traffic, Mrs. Bishop says that great caravans en 
route for Kholan, Yarkand, and Chinese Tibet arrived daily from Kash- 
mir, Pan jab, and Afghanistan and stacked their goods in the place; 
the Lhasa traders opened shops for sale of brick tea and implements 
of worship; merchants from Annitsar, Cabul, Bokhara, and Yarkand 
opened bales of costly goods; mules, asses, horses, and yaks kicked and 
squealed and bellowed. There were mendicant monks, Indian fakirs, 
Moslem dervishes, Mecca pilgrims, itinerant musicians, and Buddhist 

1 Lausdell, -Through Siberia," IJoston, 1882. pp. 509-510. 

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ballad howlers. Women with creels on their backs brought in lucerne. 
Ladakhis, Baltis, and Lahulis tended the beasts. Lhasa traders 
exchanged tea for Nubra and Baltistan dried apricots, Kashmir 
saffron, and rich stuffs from India. Yarkand merchants on big horses 
of Turkestan offer hemp for smoking in exchange for Russian stuff. 1 

Speaking of globe trotting, Vainbery says: "We must mention the 
slender thread of correspondence maintained by single pilgrims or beg- 
gars from the most hidden parts of Turkestan with the remotest parts 
of Asia. Nothing is more interesting than these vagabonds, who leave 
their native nests without a farthing in their pockets to journey for 
thousands of miles in countries of which they previously hardly know 
the names, and among natives entirely different from their own in 
physiognomy, laws, and customs." 2 

For each one of these movements there is a center about which the 
activity revolves. At first it is a purely natural or supply center. 
Such a state of life could not long exist, so artificial centers take the 
place of natural ones. A spring of water and not the hunting or fish- 
ing ground attracts the group. In higher life the civic center is the 
climax of this process. 

In the industrial world, as a whole, there are centers of supply or 
natural material regions and areas. These come to be, as every one 
knows, social centers of manufacture, of exchange, and even of consum- 
ing and enjoying. Transportation centers, distributing centers, cross- 
road centers of social structure aud activity have always existed also. 
Now these civic centers grow more and more to be a reality, until the 
modern city has six zones, not circular in their outline but having social 
and economical boundaries, namely : 

(1) The central nucleus or governing place and regulative body. 
The city hall, the citadel, the capitol, conveys the idea. 

(2) The busy mart, where going is the duty. In point of fact every- 
thing is in motion there. 

(3) The homes of the industrious, the thrifty, the well to do — in 
short, the residence zone. There is more travel there aud going to and 
fro about it than one might first suspect. 

(4) The slums, the aftermath of savagery, where a portion of society 
goes to seed, to ruin. 

(5) The garden zone, where the waste of the city and proximity to 
market makes it possible to get the best soil effects with least effort 
and greatest profits. 

(6) The farmer zone, in fact a zone of thrift, and outside of that a zone 
of unthrift, from which all natural supply, fertility, and resources are 
gradually exhausted and carried to the industrial center to be used up, 
and little or nothing comes back to it. It is as though the soil had 
moved into town and left away out on the confines a broad ring of no 

1 " Among the Tibetans," Chicago, 1894, p. 60. 

* " Travel in Central Asia," New York, 1865, p. 459. 

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man's land. This is what every eye gazes on at each moment of the 
day. All moving feet and beasts, trains, and boats are engaged in 
constructing one of these civic rings. The small centers are only 
like our little group; the large centers, like London or New York, are 
world-embracing. They rule the world, their trade is with all mankind, 
their good people are cosmopolitan, their vices are those of the whole 
race from the birth of time; hundreds of smaller civic centers minister 
to them and are enriched by them, and the four corners of the earth 
concentrate their productions there. 

The map of the world has undergone wonderful changes in this regard 
in historic times in the location of these centers of commercial circula- 
tion, and the kind of roads that radiate therefrom, as well as in the 
character of the forces and vehicles involved. It would be an absorb- 
ing study for oue to trace these centers, and to note the changes in 
roads and vehicles, but the subject of this paper relates entirely to the 
primitive centers and routes before there was a wheel conveyance on 
eai th. 

Burden bearing, in addition to this general participation in the 
creation of artificial industrial centers and great civic groups, has cre- 
ated special jdiases of society. Legislation has had no small trouble 
in regulating the laws of travel and trade, of interstate and interna- 
tional commerce. Citizens who go abroad and who traffic have been 
the occasion of no end of diplomatic correspondence and even of war. 
Those engaged in travel and transportation have themselves always 
had their rules, societies, corporations, organized service, and trades 
unions. Savage no less than civilized men travel and trade by route 
and by rule. 

The carrying activity and trade are most intimately associated with 
slavery. It is not time yet to say that it was thus allied more than 
with other arts, nor that it was most confined thereto. Looking at the 
movements of men and women, the porters, roustabouts, coal stokers, 
and carriers are even now the most abject and hardest worked of serv- 
ants. The women aud captives in America did the carrying as the 
peons do now. In Africa the backs of slaves are the vehicles of travel- 
ers and of merchandise. The southern and southeastern Asiatic is 
himself a beast of burden, and so has it always been. 

The complete study of this topic is full of interest to the ethnologist 
as well as to the technologist. It has had its ethnic elaboration as 
well as its industrial evolution. No less does each tribe and people of 
the earth have its bodily structure, manufactures, art, speech, aud 
social life than it has its own artificial conveyances and ways of get- 
ting about and carrying. To speak after the manner of the naturalist, 
the species of such inventions are tribal, national, and racial. 

One can hardly fail to discover in a study of this sort how much its 
phases enter into the aesthetic arts and pleasures of mankind. Going 
for the sake of going, sailing in unknown waters, visiting new lands 

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and gazing on new skies are now and always have been ruling motives 
in the wills of men. The landscape gardener constructs his varied 
effects about meandering roads and paths; the most stirring and costly 
music is martial j moving scenes of men and beasts and stately ships 
cover the painter's canvas and sculptor's slab; we ransack the earth 
for a new perfume or delicious fruit. Finally, mythology and the stories 
of all mysterious beiugs begin and end with recounting their works and 
travels. The sky is full of paths and trails. Charon's boat bears the 
souls of men abroad. The obsequies of the dead are a preparation for 
journeying barefooted. Atlas uplifts the world ever on his broad neck 
andback. The Caryatides are 
the apotheosis of all patient 
women porters. 

An American example of 
Atlas type is the stone chair 
of Guayaquil (fig. tt). A man 
on all fours supports a curved 
seat on his back. The whole 
is cut from a single block of 
stone. 1 

In Polynesian phrase: u As 
I hope to escape perdition, 
Whakatauroa is the basket 
wherein rests the pillar of the 
earth. Its strap isEangiwha- 
kaokoa. 1 ' This saying is ap- 
plied to the world. Its mean- 
ing is: If the basket had not 
been placed as a support for the pillar, the earth would have moved to 
and fro over the surface of the waters, and would have sunk therein; 
there would have been no resting place for the being called man, or 
anything else, or for anything which lives. When the overwhelming 
earthquake comes, the pillar is there in the basket; however great 
the quaking, the pillar is firm. By means of the head strap the 
basket is able to carry the pillar; were it not for that, the end 
would not be attained. There are, however, other uses of the strap 
as well. 2 

The activities here treated embrace all that may be included in the 
word " locomotion," or essentially all traveling, carrying, or being 
carried. The words traveler, freight, and passenger make the group 
of industries sufficiently plain. All human inventions begin with 
natural objects little modified, so the locomotive activities have their 
rise in merely going or carrying and being carried without inter- 

1 Wiener, " lYrou et Holivie," Paris, pp. 522-523. 

2 Hare Hongi, " Contest between Fire and Water." .lourn. Polynesian Soc, in, 
No. 3, p. 156. 

Fig. 3. 


From «i figure >n Wiener'* " Perouet Bolivie." 

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mediate apparatus. Furthermore, while the aboriginal mineralogist, 
botanist, and zoologist wander about at random and do not care ever 
to repeat the- trail, this desultory and trackless wandering soon gives 
place to efforts to go over the same journey even upon the water. The 
uses of hands and head and shoulders, and especially the feet, for 
journeying and transporting, and all the inventions for making these 
convenient and cooperative, together with the fixing and preparing of 
ways to facilitate them, united constitute the industry of travel and 

This subject naturally divides itself into land travel and water travel. 
But these two can not always be separated. In the present paper, 
however, attention will be given to the former, which may be thus 

(1) Going afoot, including the study of special costumes and appli- 
ances occasioned thereby. 

(2) Man as a carrier and in drawing loads. This chapter will treat of 
the two aspects of carrying, namely, riding and freighting, and will 

consider the begin- 
nings of harness, as 
applied to the hu- 
man body. 

(3) The domesti- 
": cation of animals for 

riding beasts, pack 
Fi & 4 ing beasts, and for 


From a figure in Whymper'* "Great Andes of the Equator." ... _, , . . „ 

(4) The origin of. 
the road, of trails, routes, conveniences on the road, foot bridges and 
the beginnings of engineering. 

(5) Subsidiary activities, signals, food, time keeping, receptacles, 
trade, stimulants, slavery. 

This study will be chiefly from an objective point of view, and will 
be largely based on the collections in the U. S. National Museum and 
such other material as may be helpful thereto. 

Whymper gives a little figure which in a small space comprehends 
all that is included in this paper (fig. 4). In the rear, as he should be, 
is a man painfully bearing and dragging a number of poles — burden and 
draft beast in one. His load is a sled without snow, a cart without 
wheels, a travois in which the man is the dog. Ahead of him a man 
is walking and leading a pack mule. This is a step higher in culture, 
in the epoch of domestication and breeding. In the man's hand is a 
whip, which bears the same relation to the firebrand that industrialism 
does to militancy. In front a man, possibly Mr. Whymper, rides on a 
mule, representing the highest grade in culture of the era of biological 
force, of the hand and beast. 1 

'Whymper, "Great Andes of the Equator," New York, 1892, Scrihner's Sons, 
p. 19. 

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In the exercise of the function of traveler, men use their inventive 
powers to render their traveling structures more effective in going 
faster, in going farther, in going to places inaccessible to them in a state 
of nature, in going in groups, and with greater ease and comfort, and 
in going for longer periods. One of the elements of progressive cul- 
ture is the multiplication of the necessities of travel. 

Bush says of the Giliaks, " We could not make them understand 
that all our supplies would be required for the journey, as they carry 
little while traveling." l 

The first consideration in this study of man as a traveler and a burden 
bearer is his body as an instrument or apparatus to this end. Struc- 
turally this investigation includes — 

(1) The skeleton, its versatility and strength. 

(2) The muscular system. 

(3) The vital parts in reference to these. 

Functionally the student would have to regard the activities of— 

(1) Walking, running, swimming, diving, etc. 

(2) Lifting and carrying. 

(3) Pulling and hauling. 

(4) Pushing and forcing. 

In the case of migratory birds and fishes, the habit is explained by 
saying that they have endowments of locomotion that fit and impel 
them to be going. In harmony with this instinct of going, this irresist- 
ible attraction, are the exigencies of desire and supply. The environ- 
ment without and the nature within conspire. 

It is reasonable to suppose that in the conduct of men, the actual 
possession of the whole earth, their capabilities, attributes, wants, inher- 
ited proclivities are coupled with structure specially adapted to the 
conduct. When the cosmopolitan structure of man is considered, the 
domination of the earth is the legitimate functioning of his wonderful 
organism. 2 

Professor Munro has said that, as the quadrupedal animals became 
more highly differentiated, it followed that the limbs became also modi- 
fied, so as to make them suitable not only for locomotion in various 
circumstances, but also useful to the animal economy in other ways, as 
swimming, flyiug, climbing, grasping, etc. But no animal, with the 
exception of man, has ever succeeded in divesting the fore limbs alto 
gether of their primary function. 3 What a profound fact is this in the 
industry here considered, both in getting about and carrying at the 
same time. The erect position provides the diversified requisites for the 
versatile walker and burden bearer in one person. Indeed, it may be 
said that the erect position was effected by and through the carrying art. 

1 "Reindeer, Dogs, and Snowshoes," New York, 1871, p. 125. 

»Cf. Baker, "The Ascent of Man," American Anthropologist, Oct., 1890. 

8 Cf. Rep. Brit. Assoc, Nottingham. 1893, p. 886. 

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(1) In the very act of progressing and supporting a load the erect 
position achieves the maximum of result with the minimum of effort. 

(2) The fore limbs are set free from walking, climbing, flying, swim 
ming, and aH sorts of leg work, so that they may have all their time to 
lift and carry, to push and pull, to move themselves and objects in 
directions innumerable. 

(3) The freeing of the fore limbs has thus been accompanied by such 
structural modification of them that they may hold on, balance, grasp, 
a haudle or rope, put a burden on the head, or shoulder (fig. 5; or back, 
hold it in place, act siugly and independently at diametrically opposite 
functions, or cooperate in a diversity of actions to produce and vary 
motion or overcome resistance. 

(4) The erect position and the modifications of structure involved 
make it possible for so feeble a creature as man to bear great loads on 
the head, shoulders, back of the neck, hips, knees, breast, and arms, 

and to vary their 
position while him- 
self in motion. Upou 
this point Professor 
Munro says that 
everybody knows 
how much labor can 
be saved by atten- 
tion to the mere 
mechanical prinei- 
plesinvolved in their 
execution. In carry- 
ing a heavy load the 
great object is to adjust it so that its center of gravity may come as 
nearly as possible to the vertical axis of the body, as otherwise force is 
wasted in keeping the mass in equilibrium. The continued maintenance 
of this unique position necessitated the turning of an ordiuary quad- 
ruped a quarter of a circle in the vertical plane to render the spine 
perpendicular or in line with the posterior limbs. The osseous walls 
of the pelvis were modified to take the additional strain. Special groups 
of muscles gave stability to the trunk and conferred upon the body its 
freedom and grace. 

The lower limbs were placed wide apart at the, pelvis; thigh and leg 
bones were lengthened and strengthened; the spinal column took on 
special curves; the skull was moved backward until it became nearly 
equipoised on the top of the vertebral column. The upper limbs became 
flail-like appendages, the shoulder blades receded to the posterior aspect 
of the trunk, having their axes at right angles to that of the spine. 
Further, like the haunch bones, they underwent certain modifications to 
afford pointsof attachment to the muscles required in the complex move- 
ments of the arms. The elbow joint became capable of movements of 

Fig. 5. 


rom n picture in the IT. S. National Mum-urn 

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complete exteusion, flexion, pronation, supination, in which respects the 
upper limbs of man are differentiated from those of all other vertebrates. 1 

In his sinew-backed bow, made of driftwood and sinew cord, the 
Eskimo ingeniously converts a breaking strain of the fragile wood into 
a columnar strain thereon, wherein it is strongest and a tensile strain 
upon the sinew wherein it also is strongest. The erect position and 
the possibility of resting a load on vertical bones in a great variety of 
positions enables the carrier to get the greatest lifting result with the 
least danger to the body. So far this cuauge to the erect position, with 
all that it implies, is just as serviceable to the exploitive, manufac- 
turing, and consuming activities as with those that are here studied. 

There is no eud of encomium upon the human hand, and it does a 
great deal in liftiug aud carrying, but the especial organ of the travel 
and transportation industry is the foot. 2 

Upon this useful organ Dr. Munro may again be allowed to speak. 
It is in the distal extremity of the limbs "that the most remarkable 
anatomical changes have to be noted. The foot is virtually a tripod, 
the heel and the ball of the great toe being the terminal ends of an 
arch, while the four outer digital columns group themselves together to 
form the third or steadying point. The three osseous prominences that 
form this tripod are each covered with a soft elastic pad, facilitating 
progression and acting as a buffer. Progression is performed by an 
enormously developed group of muscles, known as the calf of the leg. 
The walker is thereby enabled to use the heel and the ball of the great 
toe as successive fulcrums from which the forward spring is made, the 
action being greatly facilitated by that of the truuk muscles in simul- 
taneously bending the body forward. The foot is thus a pillar for sup- 
porting the weight of the body and a lever for mechanically impelling 
it forward. Man possesses, moreover, the power to perform a variety of 
quick movements and to assume endless attitudes and positions. He 
can readily balance his body on one or both legs, cau turn on his heels 
as if they were pivots, and can prostrate himself comfortably in a prone 
or a supine position. As the center of gravity of the whole body is 
nearly in line with the spinal axis, stable equilibrium is easily main- 
tained by the lumbar muscles. This combination of structures and 
functions places man in a category by himself, and yet preserves the 
homologies common to all the vertebrates. 3 

The enormous multiplication of motions and methods of resistance, 
combining in one human body every variety of work ever done by 
animals, finds a correspondence iu the increased size and complexity of 

Cf. R. Munroy Rep. Brit. Assoc, 1893, p. 887, for an elaborate treatment of this 

•Cf. J. Cross, "On the Mechanics and Motions of the Human Foot and Leg," Glas- 
gow, 1819, and J. C. Plumer, "The Mechanical Affections of the Human Foot," Port- 
land, 1860. 
8 Cf. R. Munro, Rep. Brit. Assoc, 1893, pp. 885-895. 

H. Mis. 90, pt. 2 17 

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brain and nervous tissue — the multiplication of nerve cells. It is vain 
to speculate upon the priority of development in the brain or in the 
body as a versatile instrument of locomotion and work. Wherever the 
remains of man have been found the characteristics of locomotion, of 
the erect position necessary to human work, are stamped thereon. Man, 
then, the carrying animal, the beast of burden par excellence, the mas- 
ter of all other burden bearers in the world, is the groundwork and 
support of the entire carrying industry. 

Jeremiah Head, in speaking of the mechanical principles of invention 
actually existing in the body of man and referring to some involving 
the carrying art, says that the human foot contains instances of the 
first and second and the fore arm of the third order of lever. The 
patella is part of a pulley; there are hinges and ball-and-socket joints 
with lubricating arrangements; lungs are bellows, and the heart is a 
combination of force pumps; the wrist r ankle, and spinal vertebrae form 
universal joints; the nerves form a complete telegraph system with up- 
and-down lines and a central exchange; the circulation of blood is a 
double line of canals, in which the liquid and the boats move together, 
making the circuit twice a minute, distributing supplies wherever 
required, and taking up return loads without stopping; it is also a heat- 
distributing apparatus, establishing a general average, as engineers 
endeavor to do in building. 1 

Physiologists, in speaking of the functioning of the brain, sometimes 
overlook these wonderful facilities for blood supply and removal. Com- 
pared with the smooth brain of the lower vertebrates, the brain of man 
is as New York City of to-day with Manhattan Island of the sixteenth 

With accessories to his body, without aid of beast or physical power, 
man far outstrips all animal rivals. A skater at Haarlem, in Holland, 
went 3.1 miles at the rate of 21 miles per hour. One mile has been 
cycled in 1 minute, 54 seconds, and 900 miles have been made at 12.43 
miles per hour, while Count Starhemberg's ride on horseback averaged 
only 5.45 miles per hour, and the horse died from the effort. The 
modern railroad is virtually a surrender of man's legs to his brains and 
the harnessing of physical force. 2 

Under exceptional circumstances man has accomplished in walking 
matches over 8 miles in one hour, and an average of 2J miles per hour 
for one hundred and forty-one hours. In running he has covered about 
11£ miles in an hour. In water he has proved himself capable of 
swimming 100 yards at the rate of 3 miles per hour, and 22 miles at 
rather over 1 mile per hour, and he has remained under water 4 J min- 
utes. He can easily climb the most rugged mountain path and descend 
the same. He can swarm up a bare pole or a rope, and when trained 

>Cf. Rep. Brit. Assoc, 1893, p. 862. 

2 Ibid., p. 864. Locomotion in both air and water are also specially considered. 

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can perform most wonderful feats of strength and agility. He has 
shown himself able to jump as high as 6 feet 2| inches from the ground, 
and over a horizontal distance of 23 feet 3 inches; and he has thrown 
a cricket ball 382£ feet. 

The attitude and action of a man in throwing a stone or a cricket ball, 
where he exerts a considerable force at several feet from the ground, 
to which the reaction has to be transmitted and to which he is in no 
way fastened, are unequaled in any artificial machine. The similar 
but contrary action of pulling a rope honzoutally, as in tug-of-war 
competitions, is equally remarkable. The living mechanism, although 
fitted for .an external atmospheric pressure of about 15 pounds per 
square inch, has been able to ascend to a height of 7 miles and breathe 
air at a pressure of 3 J pounds per square inch. Divers have been down 
in the water 80 feet deep, entailing an extra pressure of 36 pounds per 
square inch. 

Fasting operations are not less remarkable when we are comparing 
the human body as a piece of mechanism with those of artificial con- 
struction. For what artificial motor could continue its functions forty 
days and nights without fuel; or, if the material of which it was con- 
structed were gradually consumed to maintain the flow of energy, could 
afterwards build itself up again to its original substance! 

The marvel is not that the human bodily mechanism is capable of any 
one kind of action, but that in its various developments it can do all 
or any of them, and also carry a mind endowed with far wider powers 
than those of any other animal. 

No animal burrows into the earth a greater depth than 8 feet, and 
then only in dry ground. By aid of the steam engine for pumping, 
for air compressing, ventilating, hauling, rock boring, electric lighting, 
etc.,* and by the utilization of explosives man has obtained complete 
mastery over the crust of the earth and its mineral contents down to 
the depths where, owing to the increase of temperature, the conditions 
of existence become difficult to maintain. 1 

As will appear, the physical man as a traveler and carrier takes on 
special ethnic peculiarities in this regard. The races of men do not 
walk alike, have not the same endurance in going, do not use the same 
part of the body in carrying and in locomotion artificially effected. 

Now many of these differences are not racial, but physiographic. 
The burdens to be carried and the resistances to be overcome are dif- 
ferent. There are varieties of elevation, climate, exposure, salubrity 
which modify the body. The apparatuses of riding and of burden 
bearing also have to conform to the nature of things. So we not only 
have types of burden bearers, but types of burdeu bearing and of 
burden utensils. The American aborigines were chief of the races in 
this regard They had no riding beast and were compelled to walk. 

^f. Harley, "On the Recuperative Bodily Power of Man," Journ. Anthxop. Inst., 
London, 1887, xvn, pp. 108-118. 

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Their helpful animals were the dog in the north and llama in the 
Audes; otherwise men and women had to work in traces and uuder 
great loads. The network of inland streams in both Americas devel- 
oped also the boatman class. 

The Africans of negro type, south of the Sahara, were also their own 
beasts of burden. Wherever the burden camel or ass appears it is a 
Hamitic introduction. In the chapter on burden bearing the special 
types of carrying will be shown. Carrying on the head, or toting, with 
the anatomical peculiarities that this implies, is common with the nappy 
haired tribes. The exigencies of food getting, of slave capture, of long 
reaches of uuiu habitable country, of war made of the African a great 
walker and wanderer. This is manifest in the condition of the language 

The Polynesian is a boatman, a swimmer, and makes few foot jour- 
neys of any length. His carrying muscles are not developed and his 
rounded form is not suggestive of Atlas or Hercules. His paddling 
muscles are splendidly emphasized, and his agility with his hands is 
surprising. He has been the greatest of modern aboriginal travelers, 
the short distances that he could make afoot acting as an efficient 
impulse to the invention of seaworthy craft. 

His cousin, the Malay, lives on larger islands, and, having no 
domestic animal, must necessarily be a more wiry pedestrain, a better 
carrier and pack animal, indeed, there are two kinds of him, land 
Dyak and sea Dyak, physically different as any one would suppose. The 
land Dyak is a walker, and is on his feet constantly. Books of travel 
invariably represent him barefooted, with a long staff or spear and 
bearing on his back a load supported by a head band. 

The Sinitic group are in the South great watermen, have only a lit- 
tle to do with cattle, much for elephants to do, and hence are not 
addicted to carrying as the Chinese are. But the Celestials and the 
Japanese have marvelous backs. Later on the Chinese carrying trade 
and methods shall be reviewed, but here let it suffice to say that the 
physical endowments of the Chinese coolie are not surpassed. China 
is in the hand and back epoch of culture. Pack beasts are common 
enough, but they do not enter into competition with the legitimate 
burden bearers. 

The Hamito-Semitic stock have taken to riding and to pack beasts and 
are not specially modified in body for beasts of burden. Layard long 
ago said that the Arab has no wheelbarrow muscle, and he might have 
added that his muscles for a long walk are likewise defective. India 
is somewhat like farther India. The aboriginal peoples are largely 
water folk. 

The long Piedmont of northern Asia is the home and special train- 
ing ground of most of the beasts of burden — dog, reindeer, camel, 
horse, ass, ox. Upon these the people lay their loads or exact the 
duty of dragging their vehicles. Walkers are not rare, but profes- 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


sional carriers are so. It is not, therefore, to be expected that the 
bodies ol the people should have been specially changed. In this 
region, however, the process of domesticatiou is in its infancy, and 
under such circumstances always man has more than half of the 
walking and working to do. 

Within the areas called civilized, where local movements give place 
to world movements, all ancient forms of going and carrying survive 
and the active pursuit of them becomes professional. Roustabouts 
and porters are there a class. Their backs, limbs, and whole anatomy 
are greatly modified by their trade. 

Vambery mentions in his company from Teheran one Hadji Kurban, 
a peasant by birth, who as a knife grinder had traversed the whole of 
Asia, had been as far as Constantinople aud Mecca, had visited on 
occasions Tibet and Calcutta, and twice the Khirghiz Steppes to Oren- 
burg aud Tagaarog. l 



From a figure in Winner's " P*rou rt Bohvie." 

Bodily deformations result from the carrying art. Commencing with 
the cradle, the back of the heads of American Indian infants are 
said to be compressed by contact with the hard papoose frame in which 
they are carried. ''Flattened or platycnemic tibias have often been 
mentioned as a pithecoid reversion and also as a racial trait. They are 
neither. Virchow has abundantly shown that they are produced in 
any race by the prolonged use of certain muscles, either in constant 
trotting, in prolonged squatting, in carrying burdeus, or in the use of 
peculiar foot gear. The proof that it is acquired is that it is never 
found in the tibias of young children." 2 

The custom of belting the body and bandaging the legs (fig. 6) found 
so common in tropical America may have had its origin in the exigen- 
cies of travel or going about. Among the ignorant laborers in America, 

'"Travels in Central Asia," New York, 186">, p. 42. 

Briu ton, Am. Anthropologist, Washington, 1894, p. 381. quoting Dr. Matthews, 
Mem. Nat. Acad. Sei., vi, p. 224. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


especially among the negroes in the South, the opinion prevails that a 
strip of eel skin about the leg has a beneficial effect in preventing 
rheumatism, cramp, sprains, and the like. That this belief has a wide 
dispersion may be supposed from the frequency of bands about the 
ankles noted among primitive peoples. The ancient Peruvians wore 
about the ankle bands of metal, cord, or textile. 

With relation to the elements in which man travels the species may 
be said to be terrestrial, aquatic, and semiaerial. Because he not only 
progresses on the ground, but moves freely in and under the water 
naturally and by his inventions, he also climbs into the air naturally 
on trees, and by his machinery ascends above the flight of any bird. 


The special costume for going away from home became more and 
more differentiated with the extent of a journey of a day, with the 
annual circle of activities, with the sphere of trade and influence, and 
with the knowledge of those ever-widening currents of acquaintance 
and intercourse which quickened the pace and lengthened the excur- 
sions of travel. All these were extremely limited at first, as they are 
now limited among rustic and other folk, and consequently the travel- 
ing clothing little differed from that worn at home. The outfit of the 
primitive traveler, though not to be compared with that of his modern 
representative, was devised to meet his wants. It would* include: (1) 
Special costume for the body; (2) special protection for the head; 
(3) protection for the eyes; (4) footgear; (5) snowshoes; (6) creepers 
for walking on ice; (7) stilts and other elevating devices; (8) staff and 
scrip; (9) climbing devices. In this connection should be considered 
runners and couriers of various kinds. 

Costumes of most useful patterns were invented for those who go away 
from home. It has often been asserted that men and women adorned 
their bodies before they clothed them. As regards clothing for the 
sake of clothing this may be true. But those who had to go away far 
from the accustomed shelter must need to take temporary shelter with 
them, and that is clothing. This useful apparatus must not be con- 
founded with that artistic and ceremonial toggery which in association 
with tattooing, cosmetics, and artificial deformation constitutes the cos- 
tume of staying at home and is never seen on the road. Traveling cos- 
tume was devised and perfected as culture widened. In the tropics, 
prior to the art of plaiting blankets or mats and weaving cloth, nature's 
textile, or bark cloth, was in vogue. The Africans used a very crude 
variety of this fabric, and in tropical America similar cloth is employed 
both for travelers' clothing and for the attachment of ornaments. The 
Polynesians were most expert in beating from the inner bark of certain 
trees a tough fabric which was protective and easily removed. 

In addition to the bark cloth, in all three tropical areas, specially 
good mat makers may be found. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


The aborigines of the three areas also carried the notion of the per- 
sonal journeying roof to the extent of inventing rain cloaks and 
umbrellas, which are no more than thatches to cover one man. The 
IT. S. National Museum possesses examples from Japan and middle or 
Latin America. 1 

The temperate zone man found himself the possessor of a few textiles 
and used them economically in clothing, hemp, flax, cedar bark, cotton, 
and jute. But his laud abounded in ruminants, whose dressed hides 
and whose hair enabled him to house his body for any journey. In 
America the tawed hides of buffalo, moose, caribou, deer, elk, and the 
pelts of buffalo, bear, and a great variety of carnivores and rodents 
were more than sufficient for the exigencies. 2 

The going away from home was by both men and women, and there- 
fore the temperate region aborgines of North America were the best 
clad savages in the world. This is especially true of the hunter tribes, 
while the agricultural eastern tribes are represented by the old artists 
as quite devoid of clothing. The fragile and movable tents of the Plains 
Indians were supplemented by better garments more constantly worn. 

The buckskin, fur, and woven fur clothing in America reaches from 
Mexico to the Eskimo border. In the corresponding area of Europe in 
earliest historic times similar dress was worn by the primitive Aryan 
tribes. It may be that the Piedmont hordes of northern Asia were once 
so arrayed, but since the earliest records garmeuts* of wool woven and 
felted have been in vogue. Quite frequently the pelts of lambs and 
other domestic animals constitute a survival from an earlier period. 

The elevated regionsof South America demand of the traveler artificial 
clothing and furnish him one of the best substances in the hair and the 
skins of the Auchenias. The spindle is a common object in all Peruvian 
collections, and all mummies are comfortably clad for their long journey. 3 

The Africans are good spinners and weavers of cotton and of palm 
fiber. For this operation they use looms only a few inches wide and 
sew together several widths of cloth, which they wrap around their 
bodies not only as a protection from the elements, but in its folds they 
carry both children and merchandise. 

The coolies, in south China, usually have on nothing but a pair of 
loose trousers, tucked up above the knees. They have jackets, but rarely 
wear them while on the road. They have the body above the loins 
naked while at work just as men here go in their shirt sleeves. A 
straw hat and a pair of trousers or simple loin cloth is all the clothing 
most of them wear throughout the year. In the winter they put on 
thick jackets. This is on the testimony of Dr. R. N. Graves, for many 
years a missionary in China. 

1 Illustrated in the " Capitals of South America," by W. E. Curtis. 
''Mason, "Aboriginal Skin Dressing." Rep. Smithsonian Inst. (U. S. Nat. Mas.), 
1889(1891), p. 553. 

3 Wiener, "Pe*rou et Bolivie." 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


The traveling Chinaman and Japanese thatch the head and the body 
against the rain with broad hats and abundant rain cloaks, as will be 
specially shown further on. 

These two countries furnish the best examples of highest achieve- 
ment in the industrial epoch of the hand. More men are professionally 
carrying burdens, the distances between artificial culture centers are 
longer, the tonnage carried on backs of human beings is vaster, aud 
the outfit of the carrier is more differentiated. 

The hyperborean man and woman go almost as naked in their hut or 
underground house as their congeners farther south. It is when they 
venture forth that they exhibit the highest invention in dress. It is 
possible though risky, for tropical or temperate region man to defy the 
elements, but the hyperborean mau can not for one moment. So he 
constructs an air-tight nonconductiug house of skin, whether of rein- 
deer, bear, hair seal, bird, or marten. Herein he is as safe as in his 

Omitting the inquiry how so many stocks of mankind, from North 
Cape to east Greenland came to be dressed substantially alike, it is 
true that they are dressed soharmouiously to the environment that the 
white man when he goes to live among them simply has to don their 
garb with few modifications. 1 

The body clothing of the Kamchatkan traveler includes: (1) The 
kuklander, long tunic of deerskin, double, reaching to the knees, with 
hood; (2) torbossas, long fur boots with fur socks inside; (3) malachis, 
fur bonnet or nightcap worn inside the hood; (4) archaniles, long 
tippets held in the teeth to protect the face. These with mittens and 
deerskiu trousers complete the costume. 2 

Bush, at Ghijigha, speaks of his sleeping dress as follows: "My 
robe de nuit consisted of an immense fur kukhmder of double thick- 
ness and extending to my ankles; a heavy spacious hood covered the 
head aud was bordered with a thick fringe of wolf hair to keep the 
drifting snow out of my face while sleeping; fur sleeping socks, one of 
which was as large as a small sized barrel. All else needed to com- 
plete my comfort was to throw my bearskin on the soft snow for a 
mattress. 7 ' 3 

Among barbarous and semicivilized peoples travelers note some 
special form or attribute of dress, perhaps inexplicable at first but 
easily explained when the environment is known. The Yuma Indians 
put mud on their bodies at night or in the morning to keep out the 
chill, but as the sun advances it wears off and leaves the body naked. 
The Latin Americans and all other Latin peoples don the poucho, 
which may be now a shawl, now a rain protector, or it may be doubled 

'On the making of the Eskimo garment, see Murdoch, Ninth Ann. Rep. Bureau of 

J Bnsh, " Reindeer, Dogs, and Snownhoes/' New York, 1871, p. 61. 
3 lbid.,p. 361. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


up and carried against an emergency. Tbe Semito Hamitic girdle or 
sash, that may on occasion become a shawl, belongs to this general util- 
ity garment. The light shawl on the arm of the opera goer or evening 
visitor is a survival of this very old precautionary garment. 


The second class of special costume demanded for the traveler chiefly 
was protection for the head. Not only is the head especially exposed 
and vulnerable, but it occupies an important place in the traveler's 
outfit. It is his watchtower from which he looks out on the track, his 
telegraph and telephone office into whose receiver the voices of nature 
whisper, his transmitter of messages to his fellows, hisdetective to advise 
and warn. The sun, the storm, the cold strike the head first and most, 
so aside from any idea of ornament dame nature has given to the negroid 
and other tropical peoples and to Arctic peoples an abundance of hair. 
The skin of the head has a remarkably adaptive power, suiting itself 
to enormous differences of temperature. But for cosmopolitan man 
these did not suffice, and before he had any notion of adorning his head 
he covered it to protect it. 

Each culture region has its type of hat, each isothermal belt covers 
the head of the traveler conveniently. Elevation, temperature, rain- 
fall, wind, natural materials all tell upon the head cover. There are 
also among travelers race hats, national hats, and guild hats. There 
are in the U. S. National Museum a large collection of hats from all 
parts of the world which enables the student to make some interesting 
comparisons in this regard. 

Among the types of men the Australioid travel little and protect 
their heads less, either to keep them warm, to shade them, to shed the 
rain, or to defend the eyes. There is not an Australian hat in the 
U. S. National Museum. 

In tropical Africa, both among the negroes and the Bantu, the head 
receives much adornment and no protection. The Africans are good 
braiders, however, and make excellent hats for others to wear. In 
America and other lands whither the African was borne as a slave, he 
disdains the hat and may be seen working bareheaded in the fields. 
But in Latin America, as is well known, the negro and the Indian united 
their blood and their arts to such an extent that some of the excellent 
bat making of that region must be accredited to the influence of the 

The American aborigines of the tropics arc divided into highlanders 
and lowlauders. The latter wear no hats; at least in pictures they 
appear unclothed as to the head, and the IT. S. National Museum has 
uo specimen. In the upland or montagnais of the tropics the Indian 
carriers appear constantly with skullcaps woven from paco wool. The 
natives that have become Latinized wear the sombrero, both of vegetable 
fiber and of wool. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


The Polynesians or, more properly speaking, the Iudo-Pacific races, 
Malay, Negroid, and Polynesians, go bareheaded. They are a mari- 
time people largely, and ignore the hat as a protection in their canoe 

In the temperate regions there has been most land travel always and 
more demand for head covering, and yet there is great difference of 
opinion evidently as to what kind of hat to wear. The heaviest hats 
and turbans regardless of heat belong to the traveling races — the 
camel, mule, and horse riding stocks in America, in north Africa, and 
in western Asia as far east as the Mohammedan religions and mongo- 
loid peoples extend. 

The turban is also at home in India, and it is a perpetual wonder how 
in a land of so much heat the hum^.n head can stand such bundling. 
It is a fact that this head gear belongs to an alien and conquering race, 
that it now stands for caste and there is no telling what mankind are 
willing to suffer for pride and vanity. The native peoples of India are 
pictured as bareheaded. The climate renders the headdress unneces- 
sary, and the noncaste people are not given to moving about. 

As soon as one approaches the Sinitic area and the land of rattan 
and bamboo the turban gives place to the umbrella and the parasol and 
to hats akin to them. The widest and most varied head gear belongs to 
China, Korea, and Japan. The distinctions of rank, locality, and sect 
are drawn on the hat. With these, further than they are survivals 
from earlier industrial forms, there is nothing to do here. The travel- 
ing hat of all these regions and of farther India, so far as it is related 
to China, the traveler's and the Coolie's hat is an individual roof, a 
defense against sun and rain. 

Says Bush : 

I could not help admiring the taste displayed by many of these Giliaks whom we 
passed in the manufacture of their hats. They are made of birch bark, shaped like 
a low, broad cone, the outside covered with beautiful scroll-work figures cut from 
stained bark. 1 

In the temperate regions there has been most traveling, but, aside 
from fur, hat material is scarce. Above the temperate, in the boreal 
regions, men are compelled to draw in the awnings for rain and sun 
shedding, to substitute a wind and cold proof material, and to encase 
the head in the hat to keep out the cold. In other words, the boreal 
man wears a hood rather than a hat. 

The distribution of the hood is as follows: (1) All Eskimo, of fur, 
attached to parka; (2) Athapascans, of buckskin, ornamented; (3) 

'"Reindeer, Dogs, and Snowshoes," New York, 1871, p. 99. Compare Tlingit 
painted aud overlaid hat, Aleut visor hats covered with carved ivory, painted bands, 
and figure*, and east Greenland articles adorned with little figures, Albert P. 
Niblack, Rep. Smithsonian Inst. (U. S. Nat. Mus.), 1888; also G. Holm, "Ethnolo- 
gisk Skizze," Copenhagen, 1887, pis. xxvui-xl. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Sunproof and Travelers' Hats in the U. S. National Museum. 

Museum number. 
























By whom contributed. 

Hat, conical China 

Hat, palm leaf and rattan Hoihow, China. 

Hat ' Mongolia 

do Tibet 

do do 

Hat, coolie's Korea 

do I do 

Hat, rain 

Hat, grass 

Hat, woven straw or plaited. . 

Hat, straw 

Hat, Haida Indians 

Hat, basket 

Hat, native 

Hat, plaited straw 

Hat, water-tight. , 

Hat, straw 


Hat, basket 

Hat, conical, Makah Indians . 

Southeast Alaska 




Qneen Charlotte Island . 

Northwest Coast 







Strait of Fuca 

Neah Bay, Washington . 

J. Yarden. 

Dr. Julius Neumann. 

W. W. Rockhill. 


J. B. Bernadou. 

J. J. McLean. 
W. H. Dall. 
J. J. McLean. 
J. G. Swan. 
George Gibbs. 
Dr. Suckley. 
Lieut Wilkes, U. S. N. 




George Gibbs. 
J. G. Swan. 


The rain cloak is a roof of thatch for the body. It is found in regions 
where there is much going about, much rain, and suitable material for 
its manufacture. In its manufacture or plan of structure will be found 
not only provision for turning rain from the wearer's body, but that 
other omnipresent thought in the minds of manufacturers which com- 
pels them to make things easy of transportation in the least compass. 
There is more time and cost expended in making a parasol or umbrella 
easy to carry than in making it sunproof or rainproof. 








Japanese rain cloaks . 
Rain coat 


Rain cloak 

Waterproof shirt, intestine . . . 



Waterproof dress, fishskin 

Waterproof dress, intestine. . . 

.dc . 



North Formosa. China. 

Kiungchow, China 

C East,* Siberia 

C. Prince of Wales 

Golovina Bay 

Mission, Alaska 

St. Michaels, Alaska. . . 



Nushagag, Alaska. ... . . . 

Fort Alexander, Alaska. 

Bristol Bay, Alaska 

By whom contributed. 

Commodore Perry. 
Royal Gardens, Kew, Eng- 
Dr. Julius Neumann. 
E. W. Nelson. 



J. H. Turner. 
Mrs. M. McL. Hazan. 
L. M. Turner. 
E. W. Nelson. 
J. W. Johnson. 

(J. L. McKay. 


.Digitized by 



Rain Cloaks in tiik V. S. National Museum — Continued. 


Specimen. Locality, liy whom contributed. 

20919 Waterproof dregs, intestine Unalashka. Aleutian J. li. Swan. 

I Islands. 

HW3 do do AH. Iloll', U.S.A. 

68134 do II udson Hay J. T. Brown. 

10170 do I I-loolik C. F. Hall. 

74450-744 51 do Ungava, Canada L. M. Turner. 

36944 Waterproof eloak." Uprrnivik, Creenlaml Governor Fenrkner. 

12S870 Rain coat of rushes I Washinut(»n State Charles WiUotighby. 

76930 Palm leaf rain eloak Mexico New Orleans Exposition. 

126583 Rain cloak, palm leaves ! Guadalajara Mexico. . . Dr. E. Palmer. 

75954-75950 do Indians of Central Miles Rock. 


131U50 , Rain cloak of feet Eastern Tibet W. \V. Kockhill. 


The sunshade and umbrella are in effect hats. They do not exist in 
eastern Asia outside the bamboo area, the lightness and strength of 

the material invit- 
ing to their creation. 
In tropical America 
they may be an inno- 
vation (fig. 7). But 
in antiquity gor- 
geous examples are 
part of the travel- 
ing conveniences of 
royal persons. In the 
sculptures of Egypt, 
Nineveh, and Per- 
sepolis umbrellas are 
frequently figured. 
In ancient Greece 
and Rome, in medie 
val K n rope, they had 
reached the stage of 
art and effeminacy. 
Fi £ 7 - Useful umbrellas 


i a fiBur^ in "'The Caj.,t;<!.<t of South Am.>r.c:i,'* by \V. K. < 

were plentiful in 
London in the eight- 
eenth century, and we read of common examples for coffee houses and 
parishes. 1 

'Cf. Gay, "Trivia/' Loudon, 1716; "Notes ami Queries/' Loudon, series 5, vi, 
pp. 202,313. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 







By whom contributed. 

17510'! Ear protectors 

45088-45080 Face protectors, bearskin 

38604 I Ear flaps or protectors of fur. 

55081 ; Earlapets 

76724 do 

Leh Ladakh Dr. W. L. Abbott, 

Kings Island ■ E. W. Nelson . 

Kongig, Alaska j Do. 

Bristol Bay, Alaska Charles L. McKay . 

Fort Alexander, Alaska J.W.Johnson. 


The defense of the hand is imperative in Arctic and boreal travel, 
lieLce, the glove is universal around the hyperborean region. The 
clothing of the hand is bound by the conditions of (1) temperature, 
(2) piercing wind, (3) material most handy and effectual, (4) the use 
to which the hand must be put on the journey of fishing, hunting, 
paddling, trap setting, dog driving, etc. Hence will be found the 
mitten with and without thumb, the glove with each finger distinct, 
and the glove with other dividing of the fingers. As the student 
moves from Eskimo to Athapascan tribes in America he passes from 
the fur mitten to the buckskin glove. 

In an elaborative series the hand covering may be classified by 
material, by complexity of structure, and by function. The U. S. 
National Museum series divide themselves into mittens, divided mit 
tens, and gloves. All of these may be further separated into haired 
and unhaired, the former into hair inside and hair outside. The gloves 
in the series have the fingers sewed on all around where they join the 
hand and are not continuous as in the modern examples. Among the 
Eskimos gloves are essential not only against cold, but also in handling 
the vicious dog. 

In the Nelson collection (Nos. 1038, 5250) in the TJ. S. National Museum 
is a pair of gloves from the Kaviarigmut, south of St. Michaels. The 
three compartments of the left hand glove are characteristic of this 
region only. Unaleet name, aghe 'gaat, 'Malemut, ad the gaat. 














13342, 43343 


Gauntlets (oue pair) 

Gloves, antelope skin. . . 


Mittens, Chukchi 

Gloves, European model 
Gloves, embroidered . . . 


Gloves, knit Norway 

By whom contributed. 

Mrs. E. S. Brinton. 

Persia i Charles Heap. 

Tate Yama, Japan P. L. Jouy. 

Yezo.Japan Romyn Ilitchcoek. 

N. E. Asia Commodore John Kodgers. 

lie riii}: Straits E. W. Nelson. 

Siberia Do. 

North Siberia , Lieut. G. B. Tlarber, V. S. N\ 

Gloves, beaded [ Point Hope, Alaska E. W. Nelson. 

Mittens, waterproof, very long. I Goiovina Bay, Alaska. . . I Do. 

Gloves, deerskin ' do , Do. 

(Moves, seal pelt * ... do Do. 

Mitts, two pairs, seal pelts do Do. 

Digitized by 



Gloves and Mittens in the U. S. National Museum— Continued. 

















7593, 7594 












74433, 74434 



By whom contributed. 

Kings Island, Alaska. 

Sledge Island, Alaska. . 

Gloves, deerskin, tine, long. 

Mittens, waterproof 

Mittens, man's, seal skin — 

Gloves, man's, seal skin 

Mittens, man's, seal skin do 

Mittens, seal skin, waterproof...' do 

Mittens, waterproof ,... .do 

Gloves, seal skin Cape Nome, Alaska. 

Gloves, waterproof, seal skin — do 

Mittens, leather Kusilvak, Eskimo 

Mittens, dogskin St. Michaels 

Mittens, deerskin j Norton Bay, Alaska. . . 

Mittens, man's Yukon River, Alaska. 

Mittens . . Yukon. Alaska 

Gloves, winter Unalakleet 

Gloves, summer do . 

do do . 













5132, 5133 



Mittens, fishskin and seal pelt. . 

Mittens, dogskin 

(5 loves, embroidered 

Mittens, deerskin, fine 

Gloves, deer pelt 

Gloves, summer, deerskin 

Mittens, buckskin, embroidered 


Mittens, with strap to hang 

around the neck, ornamented 

with beads. 

Gloves, buckskin 


Mittens, fishskin 

Mittens, fishskin 

Mittens, woven grass 

Mittens, fishskin 



Gloves, white fur on back 

Gloves, fingers sewed in, 2 pairs. 

Gloves, deerskin (two pairs) 

Yukon River, Alaska 



Anvik, Alaska 

Yukon River, Alaska 

Norton Sound 

Mahlemuts, Alaska . . . 

Alaska Indians 


Bristol Bay, Alaska .. 

Sitka, Alaska 

... do 

Bristol Bay 

Bristol Bay, Alaska . . 

Bering Straits 

Kotzebue Sound 

Point Barrow, Alaska. 

Gloves, boy's do 

Gloves, infant's ' do 

Mittens, winter i do 

Mittens, old, bird skin < Diomede Island, Alaska 

Mittens, fishskin Igiagik River 

Mittens, grass do 

Mittens, buckskin and quill Tanana River 

Mittens, woman's I Lower Mackenzie River . 

Gloves, deerskin, man's do 

Mittens, bearskin, woman's Mackenzie River 

Mittens, deerskin, man's ' do 

Mittens, bearskin.' I do 

Mittens, wolverine do 

Mittens, deerskin Anderson River 

K. W. Nelson. 










B. R. Ross. 
R. Kennioott. 
W. H. Dall. 



B. R. Ross. 
J. T. Dyar. 

E. W. Nelson. 


W. H. Dall. 
Ivan Petroff. 
Dr. J. B.White. 

C. L. McKay. 

J. J. McLean. 
J. H. Turner. 
I. Applegate. 
Charles L. McKay. 




E. W. Nelson. 


Lieut. P. H.Ray, U.S. N. 
E. P. Herendeen. 

John Murdoch. 
E. W. Nelson. 
William J. Fisher. 

E. W. Nelson. 
R. Kennicott. 
R. MacFarlane. 




C. P. Gaudet. 

Digitized by 




Glovks and Mittens. in the U. S. National Muskum— Continued. 

Museum j 
number. I 



By whom contributed. 




1680, 1681 




1729, 1730 

















90194, 90195 












Mitten (one), Polar bearskin Anderson River ] C. P. Gaudet 

Gloves, bearskin do . 

Mittens, fox skin do . 

Gloves, deerskin do . 


Mittens, deerakin 

Mittens, fox and deer skin 

Mittens, fox skin 

Mittens, deerskin do 

Gloves do 

Gloves, white bearskin Fort Anderson 

Gloves, black and white wolverine do 

do do 

Gloves (odd), fur-lined.. 

Gloves, chamois 


Mits, sealskin 

Gloves, fur 


Mittens, sealskin 

Mittens, woolen 



Mittens, child's, beaded . 
Mittens, long, sealskin . . 


Mittens, toy 

Gloves, skin 


Baffin Land.. 
Repulse Bay. 
Hudson Bay. 


Baffin Land.. 
Greenland — 







Gloves, white fur ' do 

Gloves South Dakota .... 

do Sitka, Alaska 

Mittens, buckskin Northwest coast. . 

Gloves, embroidered, Col villes 

Mittens, Pai Ute Indians Southern Utah . . 

Mittens, fur, Pal Ute Indians.... do 

do do 

R. MacFarlane. 











Capt. C. F. Hall. 

Charles G. Osbourne. 

Capt. C. F. Hall. 
Frank Y. Commagere. 

N P. Scudder. 
Henry G. Bryant. 
L. M. Turner. 






Paul Beck with. 
J. G. Swan. 

Dr. Geo. M. Kober, U. S. A. 
Maj. J. W.Powell. 



travelers' staves. 

The traveler is usually seen with some sort of stick or staff in his 
hand. This series of utensils find their artistic culmination in the 
modern costly cane and in many beautiful uses of the word in poetry. 
The magic staff and the crozier connect this class of objects with myth- 
ology, folklore, and ecclesiasticism. The uses of the walking stick are as 
follows: For staff on which to lean and as a weapon; the walking stick, 
in the hand of all carriers; climbing stick, or alpenstock; rest for load, 
often forked; steering for skees, frequently shod; help in rising, as 
among the Papago, etc.; protection, culminating in the crozier. 

The frequency of the staff in the hands of Assyrian kings, shown on 
the ancieut monuments, recalls the days when it was a necessity to every 
pedestrian, not only for support but for defense. 

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The staff of the Norwegian skee rider is a mere balancing pole, which 
may, and probably does, come by and by to be the alpenstock. Nan- 
sen, in his excellent chapter on the skee, to be noted further on, con 

demns the staff for the professional skee 
rider, and shows how the best prize riding 
is done without it. Practically, however, 
while on his journey across the inland ice, 
he is never seen without one in his hand. 
The indispensable accompaniment of 
the Indian and rude peoples on suowshoes 
is the pole or staff. It exists in two forms, 
the shod and the unshod. At the bot- 
tom of the shod staff 
a little wheel about 
G inches in diameter 
is made of wood in 

land or northeastern 
Asia or in Alaska 
the wheel is a hoop of 
bone with four or 
more spokes of raw- 
hide. Doubtless the 
snowshoe staff is of 
recent Asiatic intro- 

The snowshoe staff' 
of the Lapps, Finns, 
and Norwegians (tig. 
S) is a pole 8 feet or 
more long,shod at the 
bottom with a strip 
of antler or bone. A 
very few inches above 
this point or spud is 
a hoop a bout inches 
in diameter, attached 
to the staff at right 
angles by rawhide strings radiating and forming 
a kind of snowshoe. Precisely this form is to be 
seen in Alaska but the Giliaks on the Amur at- 
tach a paddle to the upper end of the staff' (h'g. 1»). 
At Oudskoi, on the Okhotsk Sea, Bush figures 
natives on skees carrying iu hand the pole with 
near tho bottom. 2 





Cat. No. 167889, V. S. N. M. Collects! !.. 

Join. M. 


Fig. 9. 


break's * 
Fornchungen nn 



a little wheel stop 

'Scbrenk, "Reisen und Forschungen im Aiiiur-Lande," ftt. Petersburg, 1891, K. 
akad. Wissonscb., in, p. 476. 

'-"Reindeer, Dogs, and Snowshoes," New York, 1871, p. 194. 

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Hooper speaks of a " long, thin staff of driftwood, shod at the foot 
with pointed ivory or seal's tooth, ami furnished with a circular frame, 
generally of whalebone, sometimes 6 or 8 inches in diameter, attached 
to it 3 or 4 inches above the shoe; this frame is covered with a net 
work of hide cord, and its use is intended to prevent the staff goiug 
deep in the snow and so tripping him whose support it should be. It is 
a valuable acquisition, particularly with snowshoes" 1 (fig. 10). There 
are in the U. S. National Museum examples from 
Finland, western Alaska, and Schrenk figures 
them from the Amur country. 2 

The only staff used by the young and vigorous 
at Point Barrow, according to Murdoch, is the 
shaft of the spear, when one is carried. The 
aged and feeble, however, support their steps 
with one or two staves about 5 feet long, often 
shod with bone or ivory. (The old man whom 
Franklin met on the Coppermine River walked 
with the help of two sticks.) 3 

The walking stick of the Carrier Indian of 
British Columbia, which he uses in winter, is 
precisely like that seen in the hands of the hyper- 
boreans, with a little circular snowshoe fastened 
about the stock near the bottom. The Indian 
makes a novel use of his staff. Having a leather 
loop like the guard of a sword fastened at the 
top, he puts his left hand through it and lays 
his gun barrel on his hand for a rest. Father 
Morice figures a carrier kneeling and shooting 
with his gun thus sustained. 4 

44 Sometimes a man shall meet a lame man or 
an old Man with a Staffe; but generally a staff 
is a rare eight in the hand of the eldest, their Constitution is so strong. 
I have upon occasion travelled many a score, yea many a hundred mile 
amongst them without need of stick or staffe, for an appearance of dan- 
ger amongst them." 5 

Many of the market people (of Ayacucho) come on foot from consid- 
erable distances, the women carrying their babies on their backs in 
bundles called ccepi, and the young men using a walking stick for sup- 
port in passing up and down the wearisome ravines. 6 

Pig. 10. 


Cat. No. 45433. V. S. N. M. Collected by 
K. W. Nelson. 

1 "Tents of the Tuski," London, 1853, Murray, p. 147. 

-"Reisen und Forschnngeu im Amur-Lande," p. 476. 

'Murdoch, Ninth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 352, quoting Franklin, " First 
Expedition," n, p. 180. 

«Traus. Canadian Inst., 1894, iv, 155, figs. 144, 145. 

*See Coll. R. I. Hist. Soc, I, p. 76, for paper by Roger Williams, " Key into the 
language of the Indians of New England." 

*Markhaiu, "Journey to Cuzco," Loudon, 1856, p. 64. 
H. Mis. 00, pt. 2 18 

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Travelers' Staves in the U. S. National Museum. 


1C7889, 167890 




By whom contribute!. 

Skoe at Aves 

StavcM used for supporting travel 
f rs on ice 

Bottom of snow cane 

Staff | Ah«ut ian Inlands 

Staff with knob, Kaffir* Africa 

Cane, walking j do , 

Staff, walking do West Africa 

Finland Hon. J. W. Crawford. 

Cape Nome, Alaska E. W. Nelson. 

Alaska W.H.Dall. 

.. W.H.Dall. 

.. British Mum* um. 

. . Carl Steckelmann. 


.. Heli Chatelain. 

The stilt and the stilted shoe scarcely enter into this study. The 
latter is more for lifting the feet out of a wet environment, or in some 
countries to elevate the bodies of persons of high degree. There is 
an endless variety of stilted shoes in the Mohammedan areas, in Persia 
and in Japan. 

The stilt finds favor in certain parts of France, but here they serve 
chiefly to lift the shepherd to enable him to keep his eye on his flock. 
They are, in company with his staff, a kind of tripod watchtower or 

The Popular Science Monthly records a race between pedestrians, 
stilt walkers, and horses from Bordeaux, France, over a course of 400 
kilometers. The pedestrians dropped out at 235 kilometers. At the 
end of sixty-two hours the race was completed, the horse reaching the 
goal twenty-eight minutes ahead of the best stilt walker. 1 

One of the favorite amusements among these people (Washington 
Island, Marquesas,) says Laugsdorff, is running on stilts over paved 
dancing places, children being thoroughly habituated to the exercise 
by the time they are 12 years old. 2 

Carved stilts of the Marquesas islanders, attached to bambo handles, 
beautifully etched, are in the Christy collection and the Munich 
Museum as well as in the U. S. National Museum. 3 


The serpent, having no limbs whatever, would seem at first sight to 
be terribly handicapped; yet, in the language of Professor Owen, "it 
can outclimb the monkey, outswim the fish, outleap the jerboa, and sud 
deuly loosing the close coils of its crouching spiral, it can spring into 
the air and seize the bird on the wing." Here we have the spiral spring 
in nature before it was devised by man. 

'Popular Science Monthly, New York, 1891, xlvi, 
11 Stilts and Stilt Walking/' ibid., XL, p. 467. 
2 Langsdorflf, "Voyages," London, 1813, I, p. 169. 
3 Figured by Ratzel, " Volkerkunde," n, pp. 133-134. 

p. 284; also (Juyot-Daubes, 

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Flying animals conform to this law of variety of gifts. Thus we have 
birds, like the penguin, which dive and swim, but can not fly; others, 
like the gannet, which dive, swim, fly, and walk; others, like the ostrich, 
which run, but neither fly nor swim, and numberless birds which fly 
well, but have only slight pedestrian powers. 1 Those who enjoy the con- 
templation of nature, as the tireless pedagogue of man, will find innum- 
erable examples in this portion of the traveling art. Every kind of 
ascending and descending obtrudes itself on the human imagination as 
an example and a challenge. 

It has been previously remarked in this paper that through the 
exercise of the faculty of invention locomotion in the three elements, 
to wit, on the land, in the water, and in the air can be prosecuted fur- 
ther, longer, and more effectually by man than by any other living beings 
whatever. Traveling about and moving of things require not only 
horizontal motion, but movement upward, and in primitive life this may 
be considered under the general head of climbing. 

The inclined plane is the most simple of the mechanical powers. It 
exists everywhere in nature, and simply in following the lines of least 
resistance animals, especially the ruminants, have covered the earth in 
its elevated portions with a network of paths and trails which have 
been subsequently adopted by aboriginal peoples. 

The whole subject of the inclined plane, in its relation to travel and 
transportation, would better be considered after the division of roads; 
and even devices like stairways, such as may be seen in various parts 
of the world cut in the highways in order to facilitate locomotion and 
to get over difficult places, would also better come under the same 

The discouragement of travel is quite as great among the wealth 
of nature as amid its poverty; the magnificent forest, where there can 
be no track and where the traveler must cut and climb for himself, is 
just as tenantless as the dry and ttiirsty land where no water is. But 
there is a small class of devices or inventions for mounting trees and 
other objects which may be considered apart from the general topic of 

Nowadays the patent elevator carries freight and passengers to the 
tops of buildings over twenty stories high, but in the beginning men 
knew how to ascend trees by the simple use of hands and feet. To 
facilitate this operation, however, among very low savages will be found 
a small class of inventions which at once divides itself into two species; 
one leading to the perfection of the ladder, the other is attached to the 
human body, and renders more effective the grip of the hand and the feet 
in the ascent. This class finds its latest expression in the devices used 
by those engaged in laying and repairing telegraph wires at the top of 
the long poles. The loops on the savage man's feet are the spikes on 

1 Cf. Jeremiah Head, Kep. Brit. Assoc, 1893, pp. 860-873. 

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the climber's boots, and the coarse vine about the tree and the waist 
of the former answers to the broad strap used by the latter. The action 
is the same; the man's body is alternately shortened by drawing up the 
feet and lengthened by straightening the body. 

The ladder was a common feature in ancient warfare. Besieging by 
escalade appears frequently in Assyrian sculpture in the works of 
La yard. In fact, the ladder is a carrying instrument, that may be easily 
carried in turn, a portable stairway, in which the maker's problem is 
to get an elevating device of the greatest efficiency combined with the 
least weight and inconvenience. It would lead too far away from the 
subject to consider now the topic of ladder and 
antiladder in ancient warfare. 

All through the Malay area, for many purposes 
not necessary here to discuss, the houses are 
erected above ground, and are approached by 
ladders, which may be drawn up, and indeed are 
difficult to mount except by those who are accus- 
tomed to doing so. 

Forrest, in his voyage, speaks of the ladder as 
a long, notched stick, made of the clove tree, and 
used by the Malays to ascend to their houses, 
which he declares to be usually built on posts 
above the ground. 1 

It will be remembered in this connection that 
aboriginally all the stone and adobe architecture 
of the southwestern States of the Union was 
conceived on the idea of the greatest possible 
use of the movable ladder (fig. 11), not only in 
ascending from the outside, but also in descend- 
ing to the different apartments. A ladder of 
stout bamboos, to which cross steps are lashed, 
shored or braced with bamboos extending from vantage points to the 
ground, is shown in Le Tour du Monde. 2 

Kaffray figures a New Guinea house on trestle work, access to which 
is gained only by shinning up a group of five bare poles close together 
at the top on the doorsill and spread out a little below, where they 
rest on a small platform on top of short piles. ■ 

All travelers among the Kamchadals and the Koraks speak of the 
ladder by which their underground dwellings are entered. It is a log 
with holes cut into it as steps. One is figured in Bush's work 4 as the 
stairway upon the light-house at Ghijigha at the northern end of 


Fig. 11. 


Krom h figure in Mindel«-ff > " Study ol 
Pueblo Architecture." Eighth Annual 
Report of the Bureau ol* KthnologT 

'Forrest, " Voyage to New Guinea and the Moluccas," p. 33; E. Best, Journ. Poly- 
nesian 8oc, Wellington, 1892, I, p. 12; Ellis, " Polynesian Researches," London, 1859, 
I, p. 57. 

•* Vol. i, p. 9; also Wallace, " Malay Archipelago,'' New York, 1869, pp. 66, 207. 

s Cf. Katzel, " Volkerkunde," n, p. 269. 
%iii Reindeer, Dogs, and Snowshoes," New York, 1871, p. 352. 

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Okhotsk Sea. The handy use of the ladder is spoken of as a dextrous 

The Cosumnes of California ascend the pifion trees to the height of 
30 or 40 feet by means of spliced poles long enough to reach the first 
limbs. The pole was held in place by Indians on the ground while an 
expert climber ascended and beat off the cones with a short 'pole. 1 
This is not quite explicit. The splicing of poles is also known to the 
Amur people, who sometimes harpoon a seal 100 feet from shore by 
means of a spliced shaft. 2 

In the Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, the archi- 
t- cture of all the Pueblos is elaborately worked out, and numerous 
examples will be seen of the manner in which these ladders are used 
by the inmates for ascending and descending. 3 

The ancient Mexicans, in mining, used a system of ladders not unlike 
those employed by the modern hod carriers in ascending to the top of 
a tall building, only they were of a much ruder sort. Mark Beaufoy, 
in speaking of these mines, says: " The carriers work their way to the 
surface by means of notched poles put across a part of the shaft in a 
zigzag fashion ; and they then give their load to the breakers, who 
knock the ore into pieces exactly as if they were going to macadamize 
a road." 

Squier, in speaking of the Mosquito Coast, describes a method of 
climbing the tree employed by the natives, but it is not certain that this 
method is aboriginal, since the population of the Mosquito Coast is 
extremely mixed. Here are his words: 

Antooio had brought a kind of sack of coarse netting which he tied about his 
neck. He next cut a section of a tough vine and braided a hoop around one of the 
trees. Slipping this over his head and down to his waist he literally walked up 
the tree. Leaning back he planted his feet against the trunk, clinging to which 
first with one hand f and then with the other, he worked up the hoop, taking a step 
with every upward movement. In a minute he was 60 feet from the ground, leaning 
back and filling his sack with nuts. This done he swung his load over his shoulders, 
grasped the tree in his arms, let the hoop fall, and slid rapidly to the ground. 4 

Mercer describes the ladders made by the women of northern Yuca- 
tan for descending into the water caves as made of boughs, the rungs 
bound on with twigs. . On a series of them he descended into the cave 
of Actun Cliack.* A similar water cave at Caba Chen is entered by a 
staircase of one hundred stone steps. 

Aeronautics seem to have been a very early study. The inquiry, 
" Birds can fly, and why can't It" seems long ago to have entered 
ingenious minds. Archytas, of Tarentum, as far back as 400 B. C, is 

1 Of. Mooney, Am. Anthropologist, 1890, p. 259. 
- Schrenk, " Reisen und Forschungen im Amur-Lande," in. 
3 Eighth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, fig. 46. 
4 Squier, "The Mosquito Coast," London, 1857, p. 62. 

* H. C. Mercer, "The Hill Oaves of Yucatan," Philadelphia, 1896, pp. 92, 140; 
Morelet, " Travels in Central America/' New York, 1871, pp. 327, 420. 

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said to have made a bird that could fly. But up to the moment of this 
writing neither freight nor passengers have been carried through the 
air by the force of the wind or by any engine. 

The balloon belongs to the epoch of chemistry, the eighth in the 
series of powers put to work by man (page 240). It was not until human 
ingenuity had succeeded in alienating and confining hydrogen that 
such a device as a balloon was thought of. 1 

Dr. Emil Schmidt figures a Oomorin man climbing the palm tree to 
gather the palm wine. The essential parts of the apparatus are (1) the 
loop uniting the feet and giving a bearing against the tree, (2) the seat 
and its sling passing from the ends of the seat about the tree and 
inclosing the man. The climber rests alternately in the seat and on 
his feet as he hitches himself upward. 2 

In the U. S. National Museum is a model of " The palmyra climber 
and his implements," from Ceylon, acquired at the Chicago Exposition. 
A man with the apparatus attached to himself is mounting a palm-tree 
and gathering the sap. 

The following list mentions all of the objects connected with this oper- 
ation : (1) The knife and the basket; (2) the cocoanut-shell bottle which 
contains an oil for rubbing around the tree to prevent the ants from 
getting to the toddy pot; (3) the chaunam basket of the toddy drawer, 
containing lime to put into the pot to prevent fermentation; (4) the 
short club of the toddy drawers, used to beat the young tender spathe 
for preparing it; (5) the double stick used by toddy drawers for press- 
ing the youug tender spathe to facilitate the flow of sap; (6) the toddy 
drawer's basket; (7) the toddy pot; (8) the leather piece to protect the 
breast of the climber; (9) the leather piece to protect the ankles of the 
climber; (10) the foot brace used for the feet in climbing. 

The parts of the palmyra are (1) young tender palmyra leaves; (2) 
green palmyra leaves; (3) dried palmyra leaves; (4) the bottom of a 
leafstalk encircling the tree; (5) the young spathe of a palmyra tree 
and toddy pot; (6) the tender fruit bunch of the palmyra on its first 
appearance; (7) the young fruit bunch of the palmyra half grown; (8) 
the amateur fruit bunch of the palmyra; (9) the full-grown unripe 
fruit bunch of the palmyra; (10) the fully ripe fruit bunches of the 

Ellis says of the Polynesian climbing that the cocoanut trees are 
often 60 or more feet high, with a tuft of leaves on top. Yet the natives 
gather the fruit with ease. A little boy strips off a piece of bark from a 
puran branch and fastens it around his feet, leaving a space of 4 or 5 
inches between them, and then clasping the tree he vaults up its trunk 
with greater agility than a European could ascend a ladder to an equal 

'Cavendish discovered hydrogen in 1766, and Montgolfier's first balloon was sent 
up in 1783. 
2 "Raise nach SUdindien," Leipzig, 1894, p. 101. 

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elevation. When they gather a bunch at a time they lower them down 
with a rope. 1 

The ^Etas or pigmy negritos of the Philippines are said by Gironiere 
to be prodigiously active in climbing trees, clasping the trunks with 
their hands and setting the soles of the feet against the trunk. 2 

The Marquesans climb the highest trees with incredible celerity, not 
with the knees pressed close to the trunk, but with the toes spread out. 
They will climb the steepest rocks with extreme facility; in running 
they are not equally expert. 3 

Lumholtz, in his work, "Among the Cannibals n (p. 89), speaks of the 
Australians climbing huge trees 
by means of the calamus (Calamus 
australis), native name Kamin. In 
a "sketch the native Australian is 
represented as climbing a tree by 
means of a piece of vine, the func- 
tion of which is simply to lengthen 
his arms so that he may grasp the 
trunk. He has no appliances upon 
his feet whatever, grasping the 
tree with his knees and toes for 
an instant, and before he has time 
to fall he throws the vine higher 
up where it catches upon the rough 
bark, and he is thus able to pull 
himself a little further along 4 (fig. 
12). In the Malay and Indian 
areas the climber has a loop con- 
necting his two ankles. This de- 
vice is to increase the grasp of his 
feet upon the tree and to form a ratchet in the rough bark, which 
device sustains the body of the climber until he can throw his loop 
higher up. 

The Indians of southeast Alaska understood the process of climbing 
trees by means of a stout line made of twisted cedar bark fiber. In the 
Emmons collections in New York from that region are two specimens 
of the apparatus thus used. 

Lieutenant G. T. Emmons, U. S. N., whose superb collections from 
the Tlingit area are without a parallel, sends to the U. S. National 
Museum a climbing device, which in its complexity reminds one of the 
palmyra climber of India. It is No. 168806, is 32 inches long, nearly 

Fig. 12. 


•Ellis, "Polynesian Researches," London, Bonn, i, p. 57. 

-"Twenty Years in the Philippines," quoted by E. Best, Journ. Polynesian Soc, 
Wellington, 1892, I, p. 12. 

'Langsdorff, "Voyages," Loudon, 1813, i, p. 174. 
4 Also Standard Natural History, vn, p. 35. 

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6 inches wide, and 1J inches thick in its strongest part. It is made of 
cedar, and this piece of wood has indeed a double function. The greater 
part is like a swing board or boatswain's chair, having its upper side 
chamfered for the rider, and the underside carved to represent his 
totem. Holes are bored for this stout cedar rope, which is knotted at 
one end and passes through the outer hole. The other end is rove 
through the inner hole and has a long, loose end. Outside of this swing 
board arrangement is carved a portion which resembles a cleat and has 
that function. 

Lieutenant Emmons informs the writer that he has not seen this 
apparatus at work, though he was very anxious to do so. It appears, 
however, that the woodcutter or carver, as the case might be, sits upon 
the seat, puts the rope around the tree and through the inner hole and 

Fig. 13. 


C .t No. 1BM806, u. S. N. M Collects! by Lieut. (1. T Kmmon*. U. S. N. 

makes it fast, by one or more half hitches, to the cleat. He uses the 
apparatus in climbing the tree in the same way it is employed in India, 
and also uses it as a boatswain's chair in holding himself in position 
while he is operating upon the trunk. This is the only example the 
author has ever seen or heard of belonging to this class in America 
(tig. 13). 

Accompanying this specimen aud probably independent of it is a 
much smaller device yet quite as effective, as will be seen in the draw- 
ing. A number of long strips, or ribbons, of cedar bark are doubled 
in two sets so that by their middles, for a foot or more, they are twisted 
into a two-ply rope forming a stout loop, and this is wrapped with a 
sennit of cedar bark so as to hold the loop in place. The ribbons are 
then laid out edge to edge for the distance of 3 feet or more and used 

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__ J 


as a warp across which, by open zigzag, a continuous line of twine 
weaving is carried from one end to the other. By this operation the 
ends are gathered in and wrapped with a three-ply braid. The remain- 
ing part of the ribbons are then split or shredded and twisted into a tine 
three-ply rope. The loop in this example serves the same purpose as 

Fig. 14. 



Cat. No. 1**07, I'. S. N. M. f oll-cte.1 t.y l.inil. <i T. Emmons, V. S. N 

the cleat in the other. The broad band is the boatswain's chair and 
the finely twisted rope passes around the tree through the loop and is 
made fast by half hitches. The purpose of this seems to be the same, 
although Lieutenant Emmons had not the good fortune to see this 
example at work (fig. 14). 

Climbing Apparatus in thk U. S. National Muskum. 

Musnim , Specimen. Locality. By whom contributed. 

151338 Climbing ropea San Thome, East A frica . Heli Chatelain. 

15262G I Tree climber Southwest Africa Carl Steckelmmiii. 

165352 Climber, Lukoze ' Mayumba, Africa j Do. 

168800 Climbing implements Tlingit, Alaska j Lieut. G.T. Kninioiis.U. S.N. 

• 1688d7 Climbing implements, cedar bark . j do , Do. 


After the long arctic winter comes tile trying season of the morning, 
when the low sun shining over the glassy ice nearly blinds the hunter 
and compels him to utilize his inventive faculty to the utmost. There 
are two lines of patents, as we might call them, for protecting the eyes 
under the circumstances— the visor and the goggles or eyeshade with 
slits. In the U. S. National Museum the visor reaches "its climax in the 
highly ornamented kaiak hat of the Aleutian seal and otter hunter 
and its counterpart, worn by the Giliaks on the Amur, but these 
belong to water travel. 

There is in the IT. S. National Museum (Cat. No. 68141) a pair of 
snow goggles obtained by the V. S. Fish Commission from one of the 
crew of the whaling brig George and Mary. The collector affirms that 
such objects are used not only by the Eskimo but by United States 

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and Hudson Bay whalemen to shield the eyes from the glare of the 
sun. The example here referred to (fig. 15) is made of polished spruce. 
The eye cavities and the nose groove are of standard eastern type. 
The eye slits, however, are extremely regular, and the whole apparatus 
was certainly made with steel tools and goods polishers. There is not 
a shadow of a visor on this example. The head band consists of a strip 
of red flannel aud loops of braided sinew, the last named being the 
only really aboriginal feature about the specimen. (Cat. No. 68141, 
U. S. N. M., 4£ inches in length, collected for the U. S. Fish Commission 
by J. Temple Brown.) 

Fig. 15. 

Cat No 68U1 U S N M Collected by J Temple Brown. 

Ravenstein mentions opthalmia, from the action of the snow, as a dire 
affliction among the Goldi, terminating at an advanced age in blindness.' 

The visor is also a common defense for the eyes on land, and in this 
capacity attaius its most elaborate development in medieval armor. 
It has been previously said that in hot countries, where there are at 
least twelve hours of sunset or shadow every day, most peoples take 
no pains to shade the eyes. The fez, the turban, and the bare head 
are in vogue. The Laplander, however, wears a far- projecting visor on 

1 Cf. " Russians ou the Amur," London, 1861, p. 97. 

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his cap. So does the Russian and so do most Asiatics. The rim of 
the thousand and one styles of hat made in straw and palm leaf is 
partly visor for the eyes, partly sunshade, and partly umbrella, but 
always the utensil of the traveler. The essential part of the snow 
goggles, however, is the provision for the eyes immediately. In a great 
many masks throughout the world there are little holes, narrow slits, 
and openings, through which the actor may peep. In the same manner 
the goggles will be found divided into those in which the eye peers out 
through a slit or slits and those in which it looks out through elliptical 
holes. These slits and holes are in various structural relations with 
the visor, giving rise to many local types of apparatus for the same 
function. The climax of the invention in cultured areas is the goggle 
with colored glasses. Among the Tibetans the glare of the sun is shut 
off by means of a silken network, of which the universal veil in civil- 
ization is a refinement. It will be seen also that the Eskimo has some- 
where caught the notion of our modern wire screen over the eyes of 
persons suffering with inflammation of this organ, only he substitutes 
tubes of wood for the wire gauze and smoked glass for the refined 
colored glass. Beginning with the purely aboriginal device there is in 
the U. S. National Museum collection a complete series, showing the 
insinuation of civilized ideas into the savage mind. 

The almost universal custom is to blacken the inside of the goggles 
to further exclude the glare and strong reflection. Where this is not 
done the dark color of old wood renders it unnecessary. Some of the 
specimens in the Museum are smoked, many are rubbed with graphite, 
others are painted black. There is no lack of modern appliances, since 
the Eskimo have been under the discipline of the white man from two 
to nine centuries. 

Bonvalot figures a petty chief in the western borders of Tibet wear- 
ing snow goggles over his eyes. 1 From this point the apparatus may 
be traced eastward, and it will be convenient to examine first the 
Asiatic specimens and after that the Eskimo types, in order to note the 
flourishing of varietal changes under stress of material, of climate, of 
ethnic genius, and of outside influences. 

On the tundras of northeastern Siberia the sun of spring, reflecting 
from the glassy surface of the melting snow, almost blinds the Korak 
drivers of the dog sledges. They can not wear the smoked goggles and 
watch their teams, so they wear strips of tin perforated with small 
holes or having long, narrow slits cut through them, while others are 
of wood, shaped so as to fit the upper part of the face, through which 
are cut narrow slits, one for each eye. 2 

Hooper states that no kind of snow goggles or spectacles are used by 
the Tuski to protect the eyes from the glare of the snow in springtime, 
for the people suffer dreadfully from snow-blindness and ophthalmia. 

1 "Across Tibet," New York, 1892, Cassell, p. 233. 

a Cf. Bush, " Reindeer, Dogs, and Snowshoes," New York, 1891, p. 349. 

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To relieve this the skin on the temples is perforated and a kind of seton 
is inserted. 1 The snow goggles and the visor are both known in that 
locality, so the reason for not wearing them is to be sought in the 
demands of the daily life in spring. 

To the dress of the men (Chukchi), says Nordenskiold, there belongs 
a screen for the eyes, which is often beautifully ornamented with beads 
and silver mounting. This screen is worn especially in spring as a pro 
tection from the strong sunlight reflected from the snow plains. 2 At 
this season of the year snow-blindness is very common, but notwith- 
standing this, snow spectacles of the kind which the Eskimo and even 
the Samoyeds use are unknown there. The various kinds of goggles 
used by the Eskimo have been explained; but Nordenskiold describes 
neither those of the Chukchi nor those of the Samoyeds. 

Parry relates that the affection of the eyes, known by the name of 
snow-blindness, is extremely frequent among these people (Central 
Eskimo). With them it scarcely ever goes beyond painful irritation, 
while among strangers inflammation is sometimes the consequence. I 
have not seen them use any other remedy besides the exclusion of light; 
but as a preventive a wooden eye screen is worn, very simple in its con- 
struction, consisting of a curved piece of wood G or 7 inches long and 
10 or 12 lines broad. It is tied over the eyes like a pair of spectacles, 
being adapted to the forehead and nose and hollowed out to favor the 
motion of the eyelids. A few rays of light only are admitted through a 
narrow slit an inch long, cut opposite to each eye. This contrivance is 
more simple aud quite as efficient as the more heavy one possessed by 
some who have been fortunate enough to acquire wood for the purpose. 
This is merely the former instrument, complicated by the addition of a 
horizontal plate projecting 3 or 4 inches from its upper rim like the peak 
of a jockey's cap. In Hudson Strait the latter iscommon, and the former 
in Greenland, where also we are told they wear with advantage the 
simple horizontal peak alone. 3 It will be noted that Parry here refers 
to the simple visor, the simple goggles, and a mixed type in which the 
two are combined. 

As with other classes of technical apparatus, so with the goggles or 
slit eye shade, there are excellent opportunities of studying the rela- 
tions of invention and environment among the divisions of the self- 
same people. For the purposes of comparison the same regions may 
be marked off as were observed with the " throwing sticks/' 4 to wit. 
Greenland, Labrador, Cumberland Gulf and Baffin Land, Mackenzie 
River district, Point Barrow, Kotzebue Sound, Bering Strait and 
vicinity, Norton Sound, Yukon River, Nunivak, Bristol Bay, Alaskan 
Peninsula and Kadiak, and other localities. 

'Hooper, "Tents of the Tuski," London, 1853, p. 18.3. 
-Nordenskiold: "Voyage of the Vega," New York, 1882, p. 473. 
3 Parry, " Socond Voyage,'* London, 1824, p. 517. 

4 Mason, "Throwing sticks in the U. S. National Museum, " Rep. Smithsonian Inst. 
(U. S. Nat. Mus.) 1884 (1885), p. 279. 

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The U. S. ^National Museum possesses three examples of snow gog- 
gles from East Greenland, numbers 16 938-'40. Number 168938 is a 
large, plain eye shade of wood, like the front of a sailor's cap. Number 
168939 is a hooded eye shade made by attaching a deep curtain of wood 
to the border of a visor. The example here mentioned is decorated 
with a large number of strips of ivory pegged on in shape of the plu- 
mules on a feather. Number 168940 is a pair of tray-shaped goggles 
whittled out with a metal knife. The eyes are bulging as in fig. 31. All 
these specimens were collected by Captain G. Holm, of the Royal Danish 
Navy, and given to the D. S. National Museum by the Ethnological 
Museum of Copenhagen. In pi. xx of Holm's u Ethnologisk Skizze" 
will be seen a cap made of unborn seal skin and one of fox skin, and 
each of these has a visor, the former of rawhide, the latter of wood. 
Beneath these are two snow goggles, one of the Bristol Bay type hav- 
ing a thick, hollow visor with an elongated, rectangular wide slit in 
front and a notch for the nose. The other has two lenticular openings 
for eye slits, a nose carved in 
relief between the eyes, and a 
nose slit on the lower margin. 
These examples have slight re- 
lation with the Central Eskimo 
type in which goggles and visor 
are combined l ****• 16 - 

F. Nansen figures an old man K8K,MO 8NOW OOOOLE8 ZZ°* Y ' ^ CUMBERLAND 

at Cape Bille, East Greenland, In the Museum fur Volkerkunde, Berlin. 

Wearing SnOW gOggleS, a Simple From » n « ur '' ,n " The Ontnil E«k'mo," by Bona. Sixth Annual Report 
..__ , . . , of the Bureau oi Ethnology. 

block of wood with one long 

slit. 2 The Kaiak hat of this old man, consisting of a wooden ring, should 

also be noted. 

In Holm's pi. xxxvi are two visors beautifully ornamented with little 
tlat ivory figures common to East Greenland. His figure 3 is a hood 
for the face fitting against the forehead, projecting like a visor from 
which descends perpendicularly, a wooden curtain covered with ivory 
ornaments. This curtained visor is unique so far as the IT. S. National 
Museum is concerned. If in any other museum exist like forms from 
other areas it will be interesting to kuow the fact. 

Of somewhat similar type to Holm's tray-shaped snow goggles is an 
ivory specimen found by Boas in Idjorituaqtuin, Cumberland Sound 
(fig. 16). It is in the Museum fiir Volkerkunde, Berlin, and has the 
appearance of being very old. It is suggestive of light and neatly fin- 
ished specimens from Sledge Island southward, but there is no in tuna 
tion of a visor. Attention is called, however, to the two holes bored 
above the eye slits in precisely the spots where on the Bean specimen 
from Cape Lisburne two holes are utilized in fasteuiug on a visor. 
Nordenskiold's Port Clarence specimen seems to have holes for the 

1 G. Holm, " Ethnologisk Skizze," Copenhagen, 1887, pi. xx. 
'"Across Greenland," London, 1890, i, p. 361. 

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added visor in the same spot. But the little openings may have served 
as ventilators. 

The examples of snow goggles from Fury and Hecla Strait in the 
U. S. National Museum are such as have been worn by white men or 
explorers. The one here figured was worn by Captain Hall in his Arctic 
explorations. It is sharply angular in outline, as if made by machin- 
ery from a block of wood 2 inches thick. Especial attention is called 
to the deep excavations for the eyes, which are separated by an equally 

Fig. 17. 


Cat. No. 10200. U. S. N. M. Collected by Capt C. F. Hall. 

deep transverse cut for the nose. The eye slits are, therefore, entirely 
distinct in front and in the rear. 

In front, a visor projects squarely an inch over the eye slits, and is 
flat on top. The goggles are fastened on the head by a band of soft hide 
attached at the ends by means of sinew threads, sewed through holes 
in the wood. To further cut off the light, the eye cavities are rubbed 
with some black substance. 

The specimen here figured (fig. 17) measures 5f inches in length, and 
is to be seen among the relics of the Hall expedition. 

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This angular form constitutes a type peculiar to the central region, 
where for centuries whalers have congregated, and through their 
trade as well as their mechanical assistance, profoundly modified the 
native arts. Similar to the specimens figured, are No. 10292, collected 
by Captain Hall, Nos. 29976-77-78, gathered in Cumberland Gulf by 
Mintzer, and also, though much ruder and newer looking, Nos. 90176 
to 90188, from Ungava, north of Labrador, collected by Mr. Lucien 
M. Turner. 

Captain Hall's collection also contains a specimen of the same gen- 
eral type carved from oak, but there is no information concerning the 

Fig. 18. 

Out. No. 90188, U. S. N. M. Collected by Lucien M. Turner. 

carver. The wood is from a whale ship. The visor in this example is 
not flat on top as the other, but slopes downward right and left 
from the middle. 1 (Cat. No. 10292, U. S. N. M. - Length, 5i inches; 
height, 2J inches. Collected in Frobisher Bay.) Franz Boas says that 
the natives of Cumberland Gulf always use snow goggles in spring to 
protect them from snow-blindness. In describing them he calls the 
vizor-goggle type here figured the modern variety. 

Lucien M. Turner brought home from Ungava several specimens of 
snow goggles similar to those shown in fig. 18. (Cat. No. 90188, U.S.N.M.) 

*Cf. Parry, "Second Voyage," p. 547 and plate opposite p. 518, fig. 4, and plate 
opposite p. 14; Sixth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 575, fig. 529, p. 576. 

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The noticeable characteristics of this example are the short and wide 
eye slits and the shape of the visor, which is straight along its front 
border, making it quite shelving at its outer end and little projecting 
over the nose. There are buttons or knobs at the ends of the goggle 
for the strap of seal hide which is split along the middle so that one- 
half may pass above the occiput and the other half beneath it. These 
characteristics of the split headband and the buttons will be found 

Somewhat similar to this example with little or no visor or projec- 

Fig. 19. 

Cat. No. 29978, U. S. N. M- Collected by W. A. Mintaer. 

tion abqve the eyes nre Cat. Nos. 90184, 90185, U. S. N. M., from the 
same area. The length of this example is 5J inches. ] 

Nos. 29976-29078 in the (J. S. National Museum are from Cumber- 
land Gulf, and conform to the eastern type illustrated in the fore 
going figures. The only characteristics in this example to which 
attention should be drawn is the heavy form of the goggles, the cham- 
fered or sloped undersurface of the visor, and the additional little 
string between the two back portions of the head strap to prevent 
their spreading too wide apart. Length, 5£ inches; height, 1J inches. 
Collected from Niautilik Eskimo, by W. A. Mintzer, U. S. N. (fig. 19). 

1 Cf. Eleventh Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 222, figs. 46, 47. 

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111 regarding the relation between these eastern examples and the 
environment it is well to put them into comparison with another appa- 
ratus in the same region, say the Ulu, or woman's knife. Turner's 
Ungava ulus look like harness makers 1 knives made and riveted in 
England or the Uuited States. The other Hudson Bay, Cumberland 
Gulf, and Fury and Hecla pieces, out of foreign woods remind one of 
the patched up compound bows, the poorly hatted ulus, manufactured 
under the overshadowing influence of the whaler. 

Between Fury and Ilecla Strait and Cape Bathurst, just east of the 
mouth of the Mackenzie is a region unknown to the U. S. National 
Museum. Through the great generosity of Messrs. Robert MacFarlane, 

Fig. 20. 


Cm. No. 1-.V), U. S. N. M. Toilet:^. I by R M«< Karlxnr. 

B. R. Ross, C. P. Gaudet, Robert Kennicott, and others, especially 
the agents of the Hudson Bay Company, the Museum possesses rich 
treasures from the Mackenzie River district. 

There are two well marked types of goggles collected in this region, 
that with a single continuous eye slit and no visor and that with two 
independent disks. Both of them are seen elsewhere, but neither of 
them occurs in the east, so far as the U. S. National Museum collection 
goes. The former is just as rude and primitive as it can be; the latter 
is seen in regions easily accessible to traders. 

No. 1650 in the U. S. National Museum is from Anderson River, east 
of Mackenzie River (tig. 20). It consists of a long tray-shaped block 
U. Mis. 90, pt. li 19 

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of wood, red ou the outside and blackened on the inside. It is roughly 
blocked out to fit in front of the ^yes and to rest on the bridge of the 
nose. The headband is a broad strip of dressed skin sewed to the ends 
of the goggles. Especially should the student notice the continuous 
slit, for it is rare in Alaska on eye shades north of the Bristol Bay 
region. This specimen is 5£ inches long, was made by the Kopaginut, 
and stands for the tray-shaped type of goggles to be noticed again. 

Example No. 2167, from Anderson River, is carved in the shape of a 
trough, neatly polished, shaved out on the lower margin to fit the uose, 
but furnished with two long and quite neatly cut eye slits. The head- 
band is a strip of dressed hide. Length, 5f inches. Gift of R. Mac- 

The second type, first appearing in the Mackenzie region and neigh- 
borhood going westward, is shown in fig. 21. The apparatus consists 
of two little wooden trays, with slits across their bottoms, attached 
to each other by being sewed upon a broad strip of dressed hide. 

Fig. 21. 

Cat. No. 2147, V. S. N. M. Collected by R MncFarlaiir. 

To the ends of this strip are attached rawhide strings to complete the 
headband. This very simple device will reappear farther west in more 
elaborate form, and attention will be later directed to the incorpora- 
tion of the dish-like eyepieces into goggles made of one piece. Mr. 
MacFarlane sent also from Anderson River No. 1651, a visor cut out 
of a single piece of wood. In the Museum collections there is no visor 
coming from Canada east of the Anderson River. But the East 
Greenland specimens shown in Holm's plates 34-36 must uoc be over- 
looked. This peculiar type abounds about Sledge Island (Aziak) aud 
the Bering Strait. Length, 7 inches. It may be said here as well as 
elsewhere that other collections may contain different types from the 
regions named, and forms like the one just described may have been 
brought from Aziak to Anderson River in trade. The author can give 
his patient care only to reporting things as they are represented. 

Captain Herendeen, an experienced whaler, says that the gog- 
gles with separate disks are to be seen at Point Barrow. This is 
not strange, since the natives know their relatives at the Mackenzie 

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mouth and trade as far west as St. Lawrence Island. The Kay party 
brought to the U. S. National Museum specimens of goggles from Point 
Barrow. These are of two kinds, the elongated dish- shaped variety, 
and a form soon to be described made of a single piece but suggestive 
of the style consisting of two disks. 

No. 89701 is from Poiut Barrow and is mentioned by John Murdoch. 
Some specimens seen by him are of wood, and he describes one taken 
from a gravel bed 27 feet under ground in the process of sinking a shaft 
to obtain earth temperatures. But the example here figured (tig. 22) is 
of antler following the natural curve, divided longitudinally, with the 
softer tissue hollowed out. Mr. Murdoch never saw an example of this 
kind in actual use. It was obtaiued from a native, and there was no 
account of it given. 

The second variety from Point Barrow, described by Mr. Murdoch, 

Fip. 22. 

Cat. No. M9701. V. S. S. M. C'ollrrtf-.l »>jr Cupt. P. H. Kay. l\ S. A. 

have along the top a horizontal brim about one-half inch high. Above 
this are two oblique holes opening into the cavity inside, which are 
for the purpose of ventilation to prevent the moisture of the skin from 
being deposited as frost on the inside of the goggles or eyelashes. 
Mr. Murdoch did not see these worn. He also calls attention to the 
appearance of air holes in specimens from Norton Sound and Ungava, 
and compares the visor with that on the eastern specimens 1 (fig. 23). 

Following up the single-slit specimen from Anderson River, Dall sent 
to the U. S. National Museum from Cape Lisburne (68° 50', 166° N W.) 
wooden goggles (No. 40041) with a continuous aperture for vision. It 
is a compromise between the trough-shaped northern specimens and the 
hollow-visored type in the south. Indeed, it is a good example of the 
northern double visor, with wide continuous slit, over which the upper 

1 Ninth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 262, figs. 259-261. 

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side of tbe visor projects a little. Sinew cord is used to hold the appa- 
ratus on the head. Collected by William H. Dall and S. Bailey. It 

Fig. 23. 


r„t. No. *9703. l\ S. N. >l ( ..llr.t.-.l l.y C*pt P. H. Rny, I'. S. A. 

is of wood, and measures 5jJ inches in length and 2g in height. The 
Eskimo at this point are called Nunatogmut. 

Through the kindness of Lieut. G. M. Stoney, U. S. N., the LJ. S. Na- 
tional Museum has goggles from Kotzebue Sound, north of Bering 

Fig. 24. 

CM. No. 127907. I'. S. N. M. C..1I.-. t.-.l l,y [.,.-ut. G. M. Stoney, US. N. 

Strait, No. 127907. They consist of two little wooden disks or i rays, oval 
in outline, with rather broad eye slits (tig. 24). These trays are joined 

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together neatly by meaus of six striugs of beads sewed into the margin 
of the disks and held in place in the middle by the threads passing 
through a " spreader" of rawhide. This device is common on beadwork 
farther south. The headband consists of sinew yarn and two little 
thongs of rawhide for the back of the head. 

Example No. 63825 is from Point Hope. It has a single wide slit 
between a visor- like part above and a reced ing portion below, on the 
rear of which the notch for the nose is cut. The specimen is in essen- 
tial particulars like the Cape Lisburne example, No. 40041. 

Passing south from Kotzebue Sound to Bering Strait, Diomede Island, 
andCape Prince of Wales, the (I. S. National Museum does not possess an 
aboriginal specimen of goggles from this area. Instead, Nelson brought 
home a modern adaptation (fig. 25). It consists of a rectangular block 
of wood, with a shallow nose slit in the middle. The back of the block 
is gouged out roughly, and further cutting away provides two elliptical 
eye cavities. In front of the block is a rectangular bit of canvas, 

Fig. 25. 

C.,t. No. KJttiffi, U. S N. M. Collfvto.l t,y K \V Ni-Non. 

doubled and fitted with colored glass in front of the eyeholes in the 
wood. It is raveled around the edges and effectively excludes the 
light and air. 

This is an interesting specimen, since it shows how thoroughly the 
most exposed places to foreign contact exhibit the greatest departure 
from the fundamental or primitive forms. The specimen figured is No. 
G3G26, U. S. National Museum, and measures four and a quarter inches 
in length. 

Just south of Bering Strait is Port Clarence, always an important 
location in Eskimo life and now the point at which the United States 
Government is making the experiment of introducing Siberian reindeer 
into Alaska. From this locality, through the kindness of Dr. Tarleton 
H. Bean, the U. S. National Museum possesses a very elaborate specimen 
of wood carving in the shape of snow goggles, No. 46137. The frame- 
work is in three pieces. This is easily accounted for since Port Clarence 
is in the land of driftwood. The upper and lower halves of the body 

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of the apparatus are joined by means of neat lashings of rawhide 
thong and strips of baleen. The visor is also a separate piece closely 
fitted and joined in the same manner. The especial characteristic of 
this specimen and its congeners not far away is the amount of carving . 
in the round in front. In the rear the deep eye and nose cavities and 
in front the visor suggest Eastern examples. But the last named are 
angnlar and do not reveal the countenance. In the Port Clarence type 

Fig. 26. 

Cat. No. 46137. U. *. N M. Collected by Dr. Turleton H. Beaiu 

every unnecessary scrap of wood is cut away outside about the nose 
and eyes. The effect of this is to reduce the weight and to give the 
appearance of a mask. The connectfon of the whole class with mask 
wearing would not be difficult to trace. The headband consists of a 
single string back of the head to which double strings are attached 
at each end in order to connect with the woodeu frame. This speci- 
men was worn by Dr. Bean in his Alaskan explorations for the U. S. 
Fish Commission (tig. 26). It is similar in typical characteristics to a 

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number of specimens in the U. S. National Museum collection from that 
point, excepting that the eye slits in the aboriginal specimens take the 
place of the glass. It should be also noted that in such examples this 
slit though continuous in front, as may be seen in the Bean specimen, is 
not continuous in the rear, being interrupted by the wood that forms the 
nose cavity. Mr. Tylor would say that this groove on the outside across 
the bridge of the nose is a survival of the old primitive continuous slit 
apparatus. Certainly it performs no function and does not add to the 
beauty of the specimen. Similar to this specimen are Nos. 45075, 45076, 
45077, and 44769, from Sledge Island (Aziak), a little southwest of Port 
Clarence, sent to the U. S. National Museum by E. W. Nelson, and No. 
44257 from Cape Darby on the northern shore of Norton Sound. 
From Port Clarence southwestward to Cape Darby is a continuous 
area. The specimen here figured is 5J inches in length. 

Example No. 45080 is from Sledge Island. It is a very light and 
neatly made specimen. Its characteristics are the continuous slit in 
front, interrupted by the nose portion behind, the visor having a grace- 
fully curved surface above, the outer portion carved in form of the face. 
Length, 6 inches. Collected by 1^ W. Nelson. 

Example No. 45079, also from Sledge Island, is related to the northern 
hooded or visored type, only the wide eye slit is continuous and the 
notch for the nose is cut from the lower margin. The two Sledge Island 
specimens, Nos. 45079 and 45080, are excellent for comparison. The 
former is the double-visored type, trough-like and deeply hollowed on the 
back. The former is like the eastern examples, with separate eye and 
nose cavities in the rear and the eye slits only seem to be continuous 
in front. Length of the former, 6 inches. Collected by E. W. Nelson. 

Sledge Island, or Aziak, is a small island between Port Clarence and 
Cape Nome (64°, 30', 168° NW.). Through the energy of the indefati- 
gable collector, E. W. Nelson, the U. S. National Museum is rich in 
specimens from this region. It will not be surprising to find here a 
complex art, since this little projection from the sea is a middle ground 
for the Norton Sound, also from Sledge Island and Bering Strait 

The specimen (fig. 27) here figured (Cat. No. 44768, U. S. N. M.) is very 
beautifully finished off, sandpapered and polished, colored red on the out- 
side and black within, as most examples are. The specimen suggests 
the types already mentioned at the north, consisting of two disks like 
spoon bowls fastened together, this time not by beadwork but by a 
narrow bridge of wood. The eye slits are wider open on the inner 
ends, a characteristic quite common. Above the eye slits is a narrow 
visor delicately carved. Length of specimen, 4£ inches. 

Example No. 44349 is a visor from Norton Bay made of a single block 
of spruce wood in shape of the front of a seaman's cap. Similar in 
form is No. 46309 from Port Clarence, collected by Dr. Bean ; also, Nos. 
45071, 45072, 45073, and 45074, from Sledge Island; No. 44144 from Cape 

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Darby; and No. 49008 from Rasboiniksky collected by E. W. Nelson 
This type of eye protectors is better fitted for use on the water. 
Similar forms occur on Norton Sound and about the Alaskan Penin- 
sula. The Aleuts wear specimens of unusually large size, and there 
are decorated forms used also in their ceremonial performances. 
Length, 6 inches. 

From St. Lawrence Island, the middle ground or Cyprus between the 
American and the Asiatic Eskimo area, the U. S. National Museum pos- 
sesses a specimen of the dish shaped goggles. No. 63269, in which the 
continuous slit does not appear, but has been replaced by two irregu- 


Cat. So. -M7W, I'. S. N. M. Collated l.y K. \V. NH-on. 

larly cut holes for the insertion of smoked or colored glass. Collected 
from the Kikhtogamut Eskimo by E. W. Nelson ; length, 5£ inches. It 
is not to be supposed that this aberrant specimen exhausts the native 
ingenuity on St. Lawrence Island. The smooth finish of the object, its 
normal shape, the holes for the headband, and the thong are entirely 
Eskimo. Even the little knot shown on the left of the bottom figure 
(fig. 28) is thoroughly savage, being made by cutting a slit in a thong 
half an inch from the end and then thrusting the end through the slit. 
It maybe seen in many Eskimo implements where a button or toggle is 
needed to fit into a countersink in wood or ivory. But the eyeholes are 
bungling afterthoughts, mauy of which appear on Eskimo articles traded 
to the whites. 

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Cape Nome, just southeast of Sledge Island, should be represented 
in the U. S. National Museum collections, but unfortunately it is not. A 
creditable number of specimens, however, come from Cape Darby at 
the entrance of Golovina Sound and Bay (64°, 20', 163° NVV.). 

Example No. 44256 is from Cape Darby. Carved front and rear and 
resembling a masquerader's disguise, fitting the face neatly behind 
and cut away to a parallel surface in front. Over the eye slits is a visor 
three-fourths of an inch wide, which is not flat on top in this or any 
related specimens, as we have in the eastern type, but sloped up by a 

Fig. 28. 

C»t. No. 63W9, f. 8. N. M. Collected by E W. Nelson. 

curved surface to follow the lines of the eyebrows. Length, 6£ inches. 
Collected by E. W. Nelson. 

Norton Bay is in the northeast corner of Norton Sound. From this 
area comes, through E. W. Nelson, another set of goggles, No. 43929, 
of two separate disks. Two oval plates or trays of wood fit over the 
eyes with narrow aperture for vision. These are connected by ineaus 
of three short sinew strings or cords. Length, 0£ inches. Made and 
used by the Kaviagmut. In another specimen, No. 44329, the disks for 
the eyes are connected by a bridge of wood. The object is neatly carved 
and so symmetrical that it may be used either side up. It should be 
compared with No. 1650, from Anderson River and figures 24 and 27. 

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From the same area Nelson procured the specimen No. 44349 (fig. 29a), 
one of a series of plain visors like that on the front of a cap. From this 
point to Kadiak, south of Aliaska or the Alaskan peninsula, the visor 
becomes larger and larger until it entirely covers the head like a hat 
and extends in front 6 or more inches. In fact this sort of visor is in 
that area an equipment of the mariner, and will be more properly con- 

Fijj. 25). 

R. MacFarlane. 


CANADA. Gift of R. MacFarlane. 

Cat. No,. 44349. 77X1. ntiil lfiTil. V. S. N M 

sidered in the chapter on aboriginal water travel. The specimen is 
engraved with geometric lines. 

With this visor must be compared a specimen from Anderson River, 
No. 7733, made of the skin from the face of a seal with the hair on, the 
eyeholes fitting over the man's eyes. This again leads up to the decora- 
tion upon No. 1651, IT. S. National Museum, which is a visor of pine 
wood, upon the front of which the wearer has painted in blue lines the 

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countenance of the seal. The specimens here shown (fig. 29b and c) are 
the gift of R. MacFarlane. 

As one might imagine, the greatest variety of goggles are received 
from St. Michaels and Norton Sound. No lessons in geographic dis- 
tribution are to be drawn from these offhand. For the past one hun- 
dred years and more this region has been the entrepot of Russian and 
Federal occupation. Hereabout the cunning natives early became 
acquainted with steel knives, hammers, saws, files, and boring tools, 
and here their creative and adaptive minds were first excited and 
modified by seeing new objects and forms to copy. Turner, Nelson, 
and others have sent to the IT. S. National Museum pretty specimens 

Fig. 30. 

Cut. No. 3»4S, U. S. N. M. Collated l>y K W. Nelson. 

of goggles, consisting of two disks united by means of bead work, No. 
24339. Leather thongs also replace the beadwork as in No. 24686, made 
by the Unaligmut on St. Michaels. Length, 6 inches. By the first- 
named collector was secured a specimen on the same order, in which a 
narrow bridge of wood replaces the beadwork. In this specimen there 
is also a projecting ledge across the front above the eye slits. Length, 
5J inches, Unaligmut. Nelson also contributes a double specimen from 
the Unaligmut, No. 32944. The specimen from Norton Sound, No. 
32942 (fig. 30), is worthy of special study in relation to this area as the 
southern limit of certain types. There are in it suggestions of the elon- 
gated dish or tray shaped body of the extreme north, of the two trays 

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fastened together by means of bead work, of the separate eye cavities 
and notch for the nose, of the narrow ridge or visor, and especially to 
be noted is the occurrence of neatly cut notches above the eyes, appar- 
ently for'ventilation. It is a very daintily made specimen. No. 24340, 
from Unalakleet, resembles in front this example, the cavities are deeper 
in the rear, and there are no notches for ventilation. No. 32948 has also 
separate eye and nose excavations, but in front the visor is flat and the 
eye slits are similar to those farther north. Length, 5 inches. 

Example No. 24341 is from Norton Sound, and is a mixture of the 
Sledge Island example, with the quasi continuous eye slit, and the 
northern example, with disk like eyepieces. This specimen has a hood 
or visor over the eye slits, and is also remarkable for the projection or 
sharp curve outward, as much as 2£ inches. Length, 5£ inches. 

Example No. 5581, from the Yukon River, is trough-shaped, much 
curved outward, having no projections or decorations, and one contin- 
uous eye slit. Collected in 1868 by William H. Dall. This example is 
as primitive in form as those made from antler above mentioned by 
Murdoch. Length, 7 inches. 

Example No. 5579, from Yukon lliver, in fundamental form, like No. 
5581, but notches for the nose above and below and a slight hood over 
the two eye slits give variety to the form. A slight furrow connects 
the eye slits in front, as in No. 45080. Length, 5£ inches. Collected 
by William H. Dall. 

Example No. 44328 is cut from a single piece in form of two disks or 
dishes, connected by the nose piece. The slits are precisely along a 
median line, so that the apparatus could be reversed. The head string 
is of twisted sinew. Length, 5 J inches. Collected by E. W. Nelson. 

Example No. 72906, from the Lower Yukon, is cut out of a single piece 
of wood in general form of the Kuskokwim specimen. The comparison 
ends there, for in the piece here described the block is hollowed out 
interiorly, a notch cut for the nose, and a long, wide slit with square 
ends separates the upper from the lower margin. The former does not 
project in the least. Length, 7£ inches. Collected by E. W. Nelson. 

Example No. 44330 is also a pair of goggles of two separate dish- 
like eye covers, united by means of sinew thread, decked with red and 
white beads. This is a very pretty specimen and has seen much use. 

Example No. 43929, from Yukon lliver, is made of two oval dish-like 
pieces, with narrow eye slits in the bottoms, and fastened together by 
means of sinew twine; the headband of hide thong doubled. These 
and others of the same type are neatly made, and cut away very thin 
just behind the eye slit. Length, 6* inches. Collected by E. W. Nelson. 

Example No. 36351 (fig. 31) is lorgnette shaped and was brought from 
Kushunuk, Bristol bay. The place where it was worn is unknown. A 
piece of wood is deeply hollowed in the rear so as to form two prolonged 
tubes. In front the wood is cut away in shape of the interior, and large 
openings are left for vision or for smoked glass. Collected by E. W. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


On the Lower Yukon River, in the delta that forms the southern 
boundary of Norton Sound, reappears a type of goggle described from 
Sledge Island, No. 48724, U. S. National Museum. That is, the eye 
slit is uninterrupted in front, bu. across the nose it is cut in only 
one-eighth of an inch and there is interrupted in the rear by the piece 
that forms the bridge of the nose. With this should be compared 
No. 38251, both collected by B. W. Nelson. Length, G and 6£ inches. 
From the Ekogmut Eskimo. 

In addition to this marked type Nelson sends from the Yukon other 
patterns varying away from it into single slit forms; those in which 
the mask feature is suggested and rude pieces of degenerate style. In 
the Museum of Natural History, New York, Mr. Saville reports the 
three varieties from Norton Sound and Lower Yukon area, namely, two 
separate disks (No. 287, Emmons); solid block with slits or glass 
(Emmons 49297, 49430, and Terry, 22247 and 22248); and visor or hood 

Fig 31. 

Cat. No. 36351. (J. S. N. M. Collected by E W Nelson. 

(Emmons, 39, 47, 52, 53, 148, 455). Some new special features are pre- 
sented by the New York pieces. 

So far as the true goggles with narrow eye slit are concerned, the 
apparatus is not represented in the U. S. National Museum south of 
the Yukon mouth. Dall brought no specimens from the Nunivak and 
Nelson Island region. The next specimen southward in the U. S. 
National Museum collection is from the Kuskokwim region, carved out 
of a single piece of wood and strongly suggestive of the projecting 
shades made of wire gauze worn in civilized communities by persons 
suffering with weak eyes, as in example 36351. The specimen is quite 
raaskoid, with huge eyebrows, and deep cut cavities. The whole is 
trimmed away in front to make the apparatus lighter to the wearer. 
Length, 6 inches. Collected from the Eskimo of Kushunuk, at the 
mouth of the Kuskokwim Eiver, by E. W. Nelson. There is no evi- 
dence of glass having been used on this specimen, The long tubes in 
front of the eyes are blackened. 

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Lately, Mr. I. C. Russell, of the International Boundary Survey 
between Alaska and Canada, brought to the U. S. National Museum 
two pairs of goggles, No. 153427, from the Athapascan tribes on the 
upper Yukon. They are evidently birch-bark makeshifts on the sugges- 
tion of the double goggles of the northern area. Each specimen is made 
of two "pill boxes," of birch bark with diamond-shaped holes cut in the 
bottoms. These are joined together by a strip of birch bark sewed on. 
Following up the idea that the Kuskokwim specimen was not designed 
for glass, the student comes to the typical Bristol Bay eye-shade (Ihug- 
ach-shu-duk). On top this apparatus is no more nor less than a com- 
mon visor, seen all about Bering Sea and over the northern arctic zone, 
where wood abounds. If a visor an inch thick were hollowed out, cut 
away a little for the nose in one place, pared away on its under edge in 
front, blackened on the inside, that would be the double vi sored eye 

shade or goggles of 
Bristol Bay. The 
figure here given is 
of No. 127781 (fig. 
32), collected by W. 
J. Fisher. The U. 
S. National Museum 
contains a great va- 
riety of this type. 
With this example 
should be compared 
No. 55930 collected 
by O.L. McKay, Nos. 
127477 and 127478 
from Togiak River, 
collected by Apple- 
gate, and No. 72515 collected by W. J. Fisher. The last named is an 
oddity, and is probably of very modern manufacture. Length of figure, 
5£ inches. 

Example No. 55930 from Bristol Bay is in effect a typical double visor 
or a thick visor mortised through and painted black inside, the lower 
margin cut to fit the nose. In front the apparatus looks like the 
slightly opened mouth of a big fish. Most of the visor-like goggles 
are fastened with rawhide thongs. Length, 6 inches. Collected by 
C. L. McKay. 

The accompanying illustrations (figs. 33 and 34) exhibit the structure 
of the double visor or elongated goggles. It is here recalled that at 
the extreme north this form does not occur, owing to absence of wood, 
and that at the extreme south the goggles with slits for the eyes are 
not to be found. 

Indeed, while the goggles, the visor, and the double visor are all to 
be worn on the eyes, the first-named is to prevent ophthalmia in the 
hunter walking over the snow. 

Fig. 32. 

Cat. No. 1877HI, U. S. N. M. Collated by fra. J. Finhf r. 

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Fig. 33. 



Cat. No. 127784, U. S. S. M. Collected by Wm. J. Fisher. 

The second is the Arctic form of the universal sunshade, hat brim, 
eye shade, having a different technical treatment for every people and 
culture region. 

The third is this likewise, and by its lower shelf is also adevice for look- 
ing a long way down into the water. Many of Holm's East Greenland 
specimens having a visor top, 
and a deep curtain of wood 
around the margin enables a 
hunter lying on his stomach 
on the ice to see far down into 
the water and to guide the 
long-handled harpoon held by 
his companion. The wearers 
of the western examples are 
kaiak people who hunt their 
game with bladder harpoons, 
and it is essential that they 
should be able to follow them 
with the eye. Our modern 
deep-sea fishermen use a com- 
mon bucket with a pane of 
glass in the bottom for look- 
ing down into the ocean. 

The Aleut dress according to Strong was similar to that of the Koui- 
agas, with the addition of a high peaked hat made of wood or leather. 
This hat had a long brim in front to protect the eyes of the wearer from 
the glare of the sun upon the water and snow, and was ornamented at 
the back by hanging upon it the beards of sea lions. The front was 

usually carved to represent 
some animal and the surface 
was overlaid with ivory carv- 
ings. l 

Nansen recommends the 
common goggles with slits, 
but objects that the snow- 
shoer should be able to look 
vertically as well as horizon- 
tally; but C. W. Reming- 
ton figures a set of native 
snow goggles of the Barren 
Ground, in which a narrow T-shaped slit admits of both horizontal and 
vertical sight. 2 
From Fort Hall, Idaho, the U. S. National Museum possesses another 

•Strong, " Wah-kee-nah ami Her People." New York, 1893, Putnam, p. 101. 
2 Harper's Magazine, 1895, xcn. p. 26, and F. Nansen's "First Crossing of Green- 
land," London, 1890, I, p. 50. 

Fi«. 34. 



Cat. No. 1*7784, U. S. N. M. Collected by Wm. J. Kiaher. 

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aberrant specimen of snow goggle or eye shade, No. 153545, collected 
by Mr. Danilson (fig. 35). This specimen is said to have been used by 
the Shoshones and Bannocks, who belong to the great Uto-Aztecan 
family; but the apparatus is made from harness leather, punched with 
a steel punch, cut out with a keen steel knife, and held on with worsted 
braid. The adjustable shutter is also a device somewhat above any- 


Cat. No. lttlM.V I'. S N. M. Collected l.y W. H. Dnmlson. 

thing in the way of eye screens exhibited by savagery. It serves the 
purpose of emphasizing what has been many times repeated by the 
present writer, that civilization modifies the working principles of sav 
agery. This specimen furnishes a fitting close to the study of an imple- 
ment that the whalers and fur hunters modified and carried from place 
to place. Local forms are not nearly so fixed as those of the throwing 

Eye Shades and Snow Goggles in the U. S. National Museum. 























Large wooden eye shade, plain I East Greenland 

Hooded eye shade, ornamented ' do 

Tray-shaped, triangular eyeholes, | do 

large. I 

Angular type, more or less visor ' Ungava 

Angular type, flat visor I Frobisher Bay 

Angular type, visor flat ! Cumberland Gulf. . 

No visor, machine made ' Hudson Bay 

Angular type, flat visor Fury Strait 

Plain tray shape, t wo slits | Anderson River . . . 

Plain tray shape, single slit do 

Visor, with lace painted on do 

Two small separate disks do 

Visor and goggle, skin of seal's head. 1 do 

i Mackenzie River . . 

Tray shape, two slits, antler j Point Barrow 

Two slits, visor, ventilators do 

Goggles from gravel bed do 

Double visor, ventilators ' Cape Lisburno 

Tray shape, Hingle islit, visor Point Hope 

By whom contributed. 

Captain G. Holm. 

L. M. Turner. 
Capt. C. F. Hall. 
W. A. Mintzer. 
J. T. Brown. 
Capt. C. F. Hall. 
R. MacFarlane. 





P. H.Ray, U.S. A. 


W. H. Dall. 
E. W. Nelaon. 

Digitized by 



Eye Shades and Snow Goggles in the U. S. National Museum — Continued. 


. 46309 

















36351, 36352 




By whom contributed. 

Kotzebue Sound fl. M. Stoney, l\ S. N. 

Diomede Island E. W. Nelmiu. 

St. Lawrence Inland Do. 

Port Clarence T. H. Bean. 

Two ovate disks separate 

Wood, canvas cover, glass eyes 
Dish -shaped, eyeholes for glass . 

Large visor 

Maskoid type, glass eyes do Do. do Do. 

Large, plain visors Sledge Island E.W.Nelson. 

Maskoid with visor do Do. 

Maskoid, visor, ventilators do Do. 

Double visor like, single slit do Do. 

Tray shape, visor do Do. 

Two disks and visor in one piece do Do. 

Sledge Inland type do Do. 

Plain visor Cape Darby Do. 

Maskoid, visor, Sledge type do Do. 

do do Do. 

Tray shape, one slit, reversible do Do. 

Double disk, slits in visor Norton Bay Do. 

Two separate disks do Do. 

Plain visor do Do. 

Separate disks Fnalakleet L. M. Turner. 

United disks do Do. 

Separate disks Norton Sound E. W. Nelson. 

Double disk and visor do Do. 

Two separate disks do L. M. Turner. 

Visor and frog mask do E. W.Nelson. 

Visor and headband i do Do. 

Double disk, single slit, air holes \ do Do. 

Tray shaped, slight visor do Do. 

Visors, lorgnette style do Do. 

Plain visor do Do. 

Visor and headband Pastolik Do. 

Conical hat, with ornament St. M ichaels Do. 

do do J. H. Turner. 

Plain tray, single slit Yukon River J. Y. Dyer. 

Maskoid, Sledge Island type Mahlemut W. H. Dall. 

Visor Lower Yukon Do. 

Slightly maskoid, two slits do E. W. Nelson. 

Visor do Do. 

Tray shape, one slit visor do Do. 

Visor and headband do Do. 

Visor do Do. 

Tray shape, maskoid do Do. 

Tray shape, one wide slit do Do. 

Maskoid, no visor Sabotnisky Do. 

Visor and headband ' Rasboiniksky Do. 

Double visor, coarse j Lower Yukon Do. 

Visor and headband I Nunivak W. H. Dall. 

Visor Kuskokwim E. W. Nelson. 

Double visors, coarse Bristol Bay C. L. McKay. 

Lorgnette shape j Kunhuiiuk E.W.Nelson. 

Lorgnette leather visor do Do. 

Conical visor hat, ornament do Do. 

Mis. 90, pt. 2 20 

Digitized by 



Eyk Shades and Snow Goggles in the U. S. National Museum— Coutinued. 


Specimen. Locality. By whom contributed. 

38713-38718 Visor hats, plain do E. W. Nelnon 

127477,127478 Double visors Kassian I.Applegate. 

90444 ' Conical visor bat, ornament Katliak W.J. Fisher. 

72515 Q, uad ran gular visor do Do. 

74720 Coiffcal visor hat I do Do 

127780,127781 ' Double visor j Kuskinak Do. 

72515 V r isorhat I Igashik Do. 

1131 Visor hat, conical \ Aleut ('apt. Bulkley, U. S. A. 

5772 | Painted visor hat do Cap t. W. A Howard. 

11377 do do Vincent Collyer. 

154073 do do 

153427 Birch-bark spectacles. 2 pairs Upper Yukon . . . 

22286 I Goggles from harness leather Fort Hall, Idaho. 

131053 Eye screen or network Northeast Tibet . 

167150 Eye shades and case Lhasa 

Mrs. M. M. Hazen 
W H Danilson 
\V W. Rockhill. 


Among the five typical classes of industries (page 237) toe barefooted 
man and woman are common in the first two and the last two. The shoe 
is especially an accessory of travel; it belongs to the road. Even now- 
adays men wear their shoes to the field and work fn the field bare- 
footed. The same is true of women in all their drudgeries. Barefooted 
men and women are glorified in art, and in old religions both priest 
and worshiper remove the shoes. Ratzel has also noticed that sandals 
are rather peculiar to the road, and thinks they are more commonly 
made of hide than of wood or bast. He also calls attention to their 
wide extent. 1 

Locations will be found where the traveling class are barefooted, but 
a close inspection of them will show that the people are maritime or 
that the climate is opposed to clothing the feet. Furthermore, it is 
difficult and seems useless to make the foot a decorative part of the 
body. Unclothed the foot is usually plain. 

Bush speaks of Giliaks whom he met as far north as the Amur 
mouth with naked feet and legs in September. 2 They wandered over 
the jagged stones on the beach as though their feet were soled with 
iron, while the cold seemed to have no effect upon them whatever. 
Upon a stump of driftwood 6 feet long, six of them sat with their feet 
drawn up under their bodies. But when these same people go away 
from home, they and all other hyperboreans exhaust their ingenuity on 
foot wear and foot gear. It is said that in southern China the chil- 
dren's feet are seared to harden them. 3 

1 " Volkerkunde," Leipzig, 1887, 1, p. 67. 

2 "Reindeer, Dogs, and Snowshoes," pp.81 and 104. 

3 Chinese Repository, Cantou, 1833, I, p. 29. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


As previously mentioned the anatomy of the foot has excited some 
attention, but it is a wonder that no one has dwelt upon the foot as an 
instrument of human industry. There are multitudes of able dfsserta- 
tious upon the foot as a characteristic in comparative anatomy, but 
here the organ is regarded in the light of an instrument of locomotion, 
whose place saddles, wagons, cars, and the like were invented to fill, 
and whose burdens dogs, reindeer, llamas, camels, elephants, asses, 
horses, and oxen were domesticated to share. In this light its power, 
versatility, adaptability, recuperative attributes, elasticity, and endur- 
ance are beyond our praise. But in this.chapter the foot itself is the 
starting point of a wonderful series of inventions. 

In all countries where mere protection of the foot was the motive, 
those substances were chosen that were abundant and from which in a 
few moments new shoes could be constructed with a little knack aud 
no special tools. Mackenzie says that the women who attended his 
Indians were constantly employed in making fresh moccasins of elk 
skin. Travelers in the tropics also note that when the foot demands 
protection, the material is.always at hand, and that the natives have no 
trouble in providing themselves during their resting spells with an 
entirely new outfit. 

Under the general name of foot gear must be included aU that is 
attached to the foot and lower leg in walking, running, or carrying, for 
industrial purposes. Sandals, slippers, shoes, sabots, boots, stockings, 
greaves, snowshoes, ice creepers, and others to be mentioned, may 
be comprehended in a genus and treated as objects in natural history 
of which we may study: 

(1) The structure, materials, methods of production and of applica- 
tion to the foot, varying from region to region. 

(2) The elaboration, or evolution, or phylogeny, taking the more com- 
plex varieties and tracing them to their pristine forms, as a patent attor- 
ney would proceed in showing the serial development of a modern 

(3) Environmental influences. Since foot gear is devised for the 
double purpose of defending the foot from wear and tear, and of pro- 
tecting it from the cold or heat, on mountain, plain, and bog; on open 
sward, volcanic slag, thorny undergrowth, and burning sand; from 
poisonous plants and noxious creatures, each and ail of these have 
claimed a hearing from the inventor and stimulated ingenuity, giving 
endless variety to what would else appear barefooted monotony. l 

(4) Ethnic peculiarities. These are they that put the last finishing 
touches on all human productions. Anatomical form of the foot, the 
survival of old fundamental structures useful in their day and in some 
other region, the tribal art conceptions, stitches, knots, patterns, forms; 
the traditional and mythic emblems ; names that are repeated in things — 
all these come out in an intensive study regarding any class of inventions. 

l Cf. The author's u Origins of Invention," London, 1894, Walter Scott, Chap. x. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


The anatomy of the saudal includes the following parts or charac- 
teristics. Some of the parts may be absent, but that fact should be 

(1) The materials and technique. 

(2) The sole, its form, material, and structure. 

(3) The toe piece, a thong or peg between the great toe and the next 
one or between other toes; a cap or cover or string over the toes — that 
is, the vamp or the primeval device that answered its purpose. 

(4) The instep pieces or straps, rising from the sole in front of the 
heel and uniting over the instep. In many oriental varieties there are 
short loops attached to the sole, and the lacing performs this function. 

(5) The heel, wanting from sandal and slipper or is turned down, 
especially in lands where one has to remove the foot-wear quickly, 
for social, political, or religious motives. This is true in Japan, and 
notably in countries under Mohammedan influences. 

So there is an endless variety of thought expressed in the heels 
of sandals, as the material is vegetable or animal, according to the 
environment of the people and their work. Starting from the points 
on the margin of the sole just below the ankles, two short straps may 
run up to an ankle band, or a loop over the heel may join the sole 
at these points, or the lacing may run over the heel through loops at 
these points. 

(6) The thong or lacing. It seems to one giving heed to the matter, 
that the shoemakers of old were more troubled and racked their brains 
more over the lacing of the sandal than on the structure of the sole. 
The desiderata are, to have a sole securely and flexibly attached to the 
foot, not to lacerate the foot unnecessarily, and to get the object off 
with as little trouble as possible. The Turkish slipper, worn slipshod 
or down at the heel, and the Japanese saudal, with toe string and instep 
bands simply, fulfill the conditions of easy removal — the former for 
ceremony, the latter for cleanliness. 

There are two theories of lacing a sole to the foot — with toe strings 
and without them. In the last-named process a sole of leather has a 
number of slits cut about the margin and a sole of fiber has a number 
of loops woven in the same places. Through these slits or loops the 
lacing passes as on a skate or high shoe. By the first-named the toe 
string is the starting point of fastening, and the question whether 
there shall be any lacing at all is a matter of nationality. 

Example No. 22192, from Yokohama, Japan, stands for a very numer- 
ous type of foot wear (fig. 36). 

These very coarse examples (sandals) are made from the bark of 
walnut, or some very dark -colored bast. They are woven on a warp 
of four strands of the same material. There are six loops for lacing 
in front, two on the margin at the arch of the foot and four at the 
heel. These loops are made in the course of weaving, and are, in 
fact, a part of the selvage. At the proper place the material is car- 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


ried beyond the outside of the warp and doubled; the weaving then 
goes on as usual, but when the weft returns to form the next stitch on 
the selvage a half hitch is made around the loop to hold it fast in place, 
and then the weaving proceeds normally. The lacing is of coarse rope 
crossed over the toes, over the instep, aud carried around the heel 
through the four heel loops as shown, and brought back over the instep 
aud tied. Length of foot, 11 J inches. Collected by Hon. Benjamin S. 
A widely disseminated form of sandal consists of the following parts: 

(1) Sole of rawhide, single or double, cut rights aud lefts. 

(2) A toe piece passing up through the sole between the great and 
the fore toe. This piece is fastened underneath by a toggle or frog, 
cut out of the leather or rawhide itself, and flattened parallel with the 
sole or by a single knot in the end. 

(3) Side strap: in this class of examples formed by cutting two slits 
about an inch long at the margins of the sole under the arch of the 

Fig. 36. 


Cut. No. »192, U. S. N. M. Collected by Benjamin S. Lyman. 

foot. A bit of rawhide passes down through one slit across the sole 
beneath and up through the other slit. The two ends extend 2 inches 
straight upward and are slit to receive the lacing. 

(4) The lacing: a thong of leather slit at one end. Commencing at 
the little toe it passes backward through the slit in the side strap on 
that margin, making a half hitch. Thence it passes back of the heel 
and through the other side strap, and makes a half hitch. Thence it 
passes through the slit in the toe piece and through the slit at its own 
starting point, and is fastened off. Length, 9£ inches in the example 
(figs. 71, 72) from Bolivia. Collection of Mrs. Fanny B. Ward. Other 
examples from Bolivia are made of rawhide, and two thicknesses 
are pegged together, the rows of pegs mimicking the stitching on the 
better class of Turkish shoes. Under the term Baxeae in Smith's 
Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, two sandals of vegetable 
fiber are figured — one rounded in front, the other pointed, one woven 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


diagonally, tbe other in close wicker. These have three points of 
attachment — one for the toe strap and two at the margin under the 

The shoe is a sandal that has grown up over the foot. The North 
American Indian moccasin is the simplest modern illustration of this. 
In a great collection of them it is hard to say where the sole leaves 
off and the upper begins. The evolution of this important element 
of clothing may be traced in two directions, forward or backward. 
Commencing with the first efforts to bring the sandal sole a little way 
over the foot or by dissecting a modern elaborate shoe and observing 
where, in what form, and from what motives each element made its 
Tristram says that the word used for shoe (in the Bast) is different 
from that for sandals. The latter are simply 
soles of undressed hide, with the hair on the 
upper surface, and fastened with thongs, 
always carried by the traveler, who walks 
barefoot on sandy or grassy ground, but who 
finds them absolutely necessary for the rocky 
and stony paths of the hill country. Shoes,' 
or rather as we should call them, slippers, 
have upper leathers and heels, and are made 
of softer material. They are worn by horse- 
men, and for use in the house are frequently 
brightly colored. 1 It is more than probable 
that the rawhide sandals with single toe- 
string came to Latin- America from this region 
via Spain. 
The legging must next be studied in this 
Fig. 37. connection. It may have a separate exist- 

leooino of rushes in twinkd ence, as in our modern examples. It may 
weaving, klamath Indians, form e \ ongated portion of the shoe, as in 


From . iuure in Muo,'. - iu y collection Eskimo boots. It may be attached immedi- 
fromth«H.p.R W nr»tion," Report of the a tely to a sandal and become a boot, as in 

Sraithaonian Institution, 1886. " ' 

northern Japan. It may extend uninter- 
ruptedly from a rawhide sole to the hip, being shoe top, boot leg, 
and breeches, as in the Pueblo country. Finally, shoe, legging, and 
breeches may be continuous, as in the woman's boots of the Eskimo 
and the Mackenzie River costumes, or in the modern night drawers of 

Example No. 24080 in the U. S. National Museum (fig. 37) is a legging 
worn by a Klamath Indian in California, made of coarse rush and woven 
together by twined weaving precisely as in the Alaskan grass sock and 
the Tate Yama boot (fig. 44). The Klamath country as well as the 
Aleutian Islands having been more or less exposed to Asiatic influences 
during the past half century it is quite within the possible that both 

1 Tristram, "Eastern Customs in Bible Lands," London, 1894, p. 50. 

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the socks and the leggings are late acculturatious. Omitting this, the 
reader is left to decide the question of original suggestion in three 
separate areas. 

Examples Nos. 150645 to 150649 are leggings (hose) worn by the 
Ainos and collected by Romyn Hitchcock. They are made of Japanese 
white or blue cotton cloth, each embroidered with cotton yarn of the 
other color. Two pairs are of the ohiyo or elm bark ( Ulmus monUina). 
The ornamentation is produced partly in the weaving with differently 
colored yarns and partly in the use of the embroidered Cupid's bow or 
doable line of beauty, so marked in ail Aino ornaments. 1 It is only 
one step to the boot. By uniting the legging to the moccasin and sew- 
ing the sandal on to the bottom of that, the modern boot is in progress. 
There is not yet the complete outfit of sole and welt and insole; of 
vamp and quarters; of heel with a series of lifts; of top and extension 
top and straps; besides a dozen ornamental parts. But it will be seen 
that most of these parts, or something more elaborate and quite as 
effectual, have been thought out by downright savages. 

As previously mentioned, the moccasin is of little or no use in a 
wet country, in bogs, or on the seashore. The high-heeled shoes of 
actors and of palaces had their origin in a necessity. The aborigines 
of America above the Arctic circle had recourse to sealskin cured 
without sweating and fish skin to keep the feet dry. The clumsy 
sole of the Asiatic Pacific Coast is the result of a struggle in the same 
direction. But the sabot, the clog, the chopine show how western Europe 
wrestled with the problem and thousands of persons still find employ- 
ment in their manufacture. In England, the clog or patten is one step 
in advance of the sabot. A sole of maple or ash has an upper of 
leather riveted or nailed on. The survival of the clog is seen in great 
establishments like tanneries, where it is desirable to keep the feet 
above wet and muddy floors. Professor Morse draws my attention to 
the thousand and one styles of stilted sandals or quetta in use among 
the Japanese, and these point westward to the Caspian drainage for 
their congeners. 

No one foils to remark the extreme roughness on the inside of most 
primitive foot gear. Now, since the sole of the foot, like the back and 
the neck of a horse, is the vital point to the footman and the carrier, 
it is reasonable to suppose that this was an object of constant care. 
In fact, the foot itself has wonderful adaptedness and the sole of the 
barefoot man becomes extremely callous. This is nature's contribution. 
In the U. S. National Museum are wooden sandals adorned on the sole 
with rows of brass-headed upholsterer's nails and the tough feet of 
the owners have actually worn furrows in the wood between the nails. 
But the inventive faculty has not been idle. 

The Japanese weave a neat and smooth little insole of rushes or 
other soft fiber to fit above the regular sole in the common or diagonal 

Rep. Smitbsouian Inst. (U. S. Nat. Mus.) 1890, pi. xcvi. 

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pattern seen in chair bottoms. In a large series of shoes the student 
gets a good notion of inventive progress through these insole devices 
and the method of their attachment. 

The wearers of sabots are in the habit of eking out the foot by pad- 
ding of some kind to prevent chafing. In every case the remedy is 
made effective with the best help of the environment. These devices 
are provisions simply against hurt or bruises. Temperature is not con- 
sidered. In most regions under consideration the foot would be injured 
by bandaging or covering. A little further on it will be seen that pack- 
ing the foot in soft grass is a provision for warmth and to prevent mak- 
ing that member too delicate. But there is a zone, an isothermal belt, 
between the complete double boot and the sandal, where the tempera- 
ture for at least a part of the year is not cold enough for the hyper- 
borean boot and packing, but where it is too cool for the unprotected 
foot. Here was elaborated the stocking or the double shoe top, or 
something to keep the foot and lower leg warm. It is interesting to 
note how exactly elevation above sea level tallies with latitude in 
determining this special article of dress. 

The middle and western Asiatics, for religious and other considera- 
tions, holding on to tbe use of the sandal (easily removed), worked out 
the mitten sock with divided toes, the regular sock or stocking, and the 
inshoe or boot, over which the other shoe fitted. One may imagine 
such people moving northward or higher up and developing the double 
boot and the overshoe by simply thickening the material or adopting 
the thicker material supplied by nature. 

In Korea, as well as iu China, the stocking turns out to be a very 
complicated affair. A double bag of coarse cotton or other fabric is 
stuffed with a mass or waste half an inch thick. This is doubtless a 
luxury for those who do not travel, rendering the foot entirely too 
tender for work. (Cat. No. 167711, U. S. N. M., from Korea, collected 
by H. B. Hurlbert.) 

The Saraoyed men and women both wear the lieup thieu, or skin 
stocking, and the pimmies, or long deerskin boots. The only difference 
in the latter is that the crossbar is just above the instep in the woman's 
pimmies and just below the knee in the men's. In wet snow unsweated 
sealskin pimmies are worn. The Samoyed woman, it is said, is very 
careful of her husband's skin boots, turning them inside out, hanging 
them up to dry and putting grass into them in the morning. 1 

Eskimo men at Point Barrow, accordiug to Murdoch, wear stockings 
of deerskin with the hair in. He figures the pattern of this sock, and 
says that they are made of very thick winter deerskin and substituted 
for the outer boots when the men are out deer hunting in winter in the 
dry snow, especially when snowshoes are used. 2 The same device is to 

'Jackson, ''The Great Frozen Land." London, 1895, pp. 27, 64. 
2 Ninth Ann. Rep. Hureau of Ethnology, p. 129, fig. 74, showing patterns; also 
F, Nansen, " First Crossing of Greenland/' n, p. 275. 

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be seen in other fur wearing regions, and the selfsame custom projects 
itself into northwestern Cauada, only the buckskin has been tawed. 
Nansen describes the double sealskin boot of the Greenland Eskimo. 

The Eskimo also have a fashion of placing little bundles of di ied 
fiber or fur in the boots, especially where the foot is chafed. 

The East Greenland Eskimo use grass in their shoes, according to 
Nansen. He gives an amusing account of this in speaking of his 
Lapp companions, Balto and Ravna, who had the selfsame custom. 1 

The straw socks in the national collection (Nelson, No. 49082-'3) 
are said by him to be made along the lower Yukon and adjacent tun- 
dra to the south, perhaps to the Kuskokwim. Unaleet name, Athl uk 

Example No. 8784 is a pair of grass socks worn by the Premorska 
Indians of Alaska, collected by William H. Dall. They are regularly 
constructed by process of twined weaving; the warp is vertical, and 
the stocking is made to fit the foot by the insertion of extra-warped 
threads where they are needed. Beginning at the middle of the sole 
a series of twined weavings proceeds in a spiral around the bottom 
and the top of the foot for about an inch, when the lines begin to 
extend from the heel over the top of the instep. Separate lines of 
weaving are inserted across the back of the foot between the toes and 
the instep. This kind of weaving is very common all over the world, 
but its particular application to foot gear should be compared with 
No. 73091 from Tate Yama, Japan (fig. 44). Length of foot, 10J inches. 
Precisely similar weaving is to be seen on the numerous grass wallets 
collected at St. Michaels. 

•Stockings in the U. S. National Muski:m. 




By whom contributed. 


38813, 38814 







Sockn (odd) 

Socks, straw 

Socks (or shoes), straw , 

Socks, woven grass , 

Socks, fox skin 

Socks, child's 

Socks, man's deerskin 

Socks or shoe (Moki) 

Stockings, woolen 

do I 

Socks, leather, worn with chuplies. . I 

Socks, child's | 



Socks, felt, for women 

Alaska •.. 

Sabotnisky, Alaska 

Lower Kuskoquim j 

Bristol Bay, Alaska 

Anderson River 

Hudson Bay, Eskimo 

Mackenzie River 




Kashmir, India 


Wenchow, China 


Manchuria, China 

Socks, straw . 
Socks, grass.. 

Lower Yukon, Alaska. 


Premorska Indians 

E. W. Nelson. 


Charles L. McKay. 
R. Mac Farlane. 
J. T. Brown. 
R. Mac Farlane. 
Maj. J. W.Powell. 
Pinkas Hanuka. 
Otis Bigelow. 
Dr. W. L. Abbott. 
H. B. Hurlbert. 
Dr. D.J. McUowan. 
Miss Dollie Leech. 
Chinese Centennial Com- 
E. W. Nelson. 

W. H.Dall. 

1 F. Nansen, "First Crossing of Greenland," London, 1890, i, p. 362, 

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The interoceanic area, with its Australian, Negroid, Polynesian, and 
Malay peoples, is par excellence the barefooted region. On the shore 
the wet sands would render any foot clothing for which nature there 
furnishes material very uncomfortable. Life in the boat or canoe and 
in the shallow waters creates no demand for shoes. In recent pictures 
of the Malagasy army the soldiers are barefooted. These islands 
are volcanic and the coasts are lined with coral reefs. For walking 
over the one or for fishing along the other, some protection is necessary. 
The Polynesians, therefore, wore a tufted sandal of bast of the Hibiscus 1 
in fishing on the coral reefs (fig. 38). Or, as in example No. 92884 in the 
National Museum, from the Sandwich Islands, leaves of pandanus are • 
braided into a poor sandal for walking over the warm slag. The thick 
butt ends of the leaves are imbricated under the soles so as to leave 
quite a thick pad between the feet and the rough, hot ground. 

Example No. 130639 is a sandal from New Zealand made of cordyline 
liber, and consists of three pieces — the sole, the selvage or series of loops 

extending quite around the sole, 
and the lacing. The sole is of very 
coarse fiber, woven in diaper pattern 
diagonally. The selvage consists of 
a coarse vine fastened at the heel, 
and at intervals of 3 inches looped 
into the edge of the sole. Along 
the margin a small vine is carried 
n M and tied to the joints of this selvage 

by a clove hitch at each junction 


rn« . •»» ,„ iui«. . <vu, k .. rk „„de.. with the sole, and the lacing passes 

backward and forward across the 
foot, and around the heel through these selvage loops. The heel is 
made by a series of bands of very coarse fiber, passing backward and 
forward from one selvage loop to another, and tied with a single knot 
at each turn. 

The noticeable points in this specimen are the diaper weaving, the 
complicated selvage, and the curiously built-up heel. This specimen 
must have belonged to a very large man (fig. 39). Length, 13 inches. 
Collected by the Koyal Gardens of Kew, England. 

This type of sandal exists elsewhere, and it must not be understood 
that it is a native New Zealand product. The absence of the string or 
strap between the first and the second toe will help to suggest certain 
culture centers from which it was not derived. In Korea and among 
the Ainos it is found, especially the border ]oops for the lacing. But 
an interesting similarity will be noted between this specimen and 
the figure of a cliff-dweller's sandal drawn by Nordenskiold. 2 

1 Figured by Ratzel in " Volkerkunde," n, p. 165. 

-Cf. Hitchcock, Rep. Smithsonian Inst. (IT. S. Nat. Mus.), 1890, pi. xcvu. Wiener 
does not figure anything of the kind in " Pcrou et Holme." 

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Example No. 130640 is a pair of very primitive sandals of taromba 
spathe [Arenga savcharifera) from Borneo. The strings are made of 
the bast of the timbarua tree. This is the simplest form of shoe that 
can possibly be constructed. A bit of the spathe of the arenga is cut 
out in form of the foot, one hole is bored at the toe and two under the 
heel. A bit of twisted bast of the artocarpus is knotted and drawn 
through the front so as to pass between the toes, after the manner of 
the Caucasian or Mediterranean stocks or the Japanese ; this is the 
lacing. Another bit of the same material doubled passes through the 
two holes under the heel to form loops. The lacing passes between the 
toes, across the back of the foot to the loop on the outside, around 
the heel through the loop on the inside, and across the instep to be 
fastened. Length, 11 inches. Collected by Royal Gardens of Kew, 

In tropical America below the Piedmont regions, that is in the east- 
ern portions and on the lowlands, the aborigines were barefooted. 
Indeed, though the question of origin is not here at all discussed, it 
will be farther seen 
when the shod Amer- 
ican is studied that it 
is very difficult nowa- 
days to distinguish 
the New World from 
the Old World sandal 
in that area. Look- 
ing through such 
careful works as Von 
den Steinen's one sees Fi 39 

no picture 01 IOOt SANDAL of cobdyline fiber from NEW ZEALAND. 

gea»r and nO allUSion Cat. No. 130638, U. S. N. M. Collected by the Royal Botanic Garden*. Kew, England. 

to it in the index. 1 

What has been said concerning the Indo- Pacific peoples and America 
may be repeated of negroid Africa, that is the part south of the Sahara. 
There is no climatic reason for shoes, the country is not volcanic, and the 
noxious animals are less able to injure the unclothed foot. There is an 
enormous amount of going about and of trading along beaten and cleared 
paths, hundreds of thousands of natives are all the time tramping to 
the trading center and to the coast, and yet we are told that they never 
cover the feet. In all books of travels and in photographs the natives 
are represented barefooted. This has given rise in Africa, and in Bor- 
neo as well, Jto a peculiar weapon, the foot-path splinter, small splints 
of cane sharpened, cut nearly in two, and stuck in the trail or public 
highway, a kind of aboriginal caltrop. The U. S. National Museum, 
though well supplied with African material and specially rich in foot 
wear, is extremely poor in examples from negroid Africa. An interest- 

1 " Unter den Natur vol kern Zentral-Brasiliens," Berlin, 1894. 

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ing chapter could be written on the deformations produced by cramp- 
ing the foot of the African into white men's shoes. 

The Hottentots, according to Ratzel, wear saudals of woven filaments 
and of rawhide. In the former the toes pass under a looped cord which 
extends up the middle of the instep, is knotted at the ankle, and fast- 
ened down at either side of the heel. In the rawhide specimens there 
is in addition a separate heel piece. 1 

Weiss's u Kostumkunde" figures a Hottentot sandal made of a piece of 
hide drawn up about the side of the foot and laced. He quotes Neibuhr 
on the Arab practice of cutting up the hide of a dead donkey on the 
road for sandals. Two Arab figures of Weiss's have loops or inclos- 
ures for one or more toes (tig. 101, d and e). This last has (1) quadri- 
lateral sole, sewed with single thong; (2) heel strap separate, sloping 
up from sole; (3) instep baud; (4) toe band, across all toes; (5) toe 
strings, inclosing three middle toes and running back to (3) to be 
tied. Feature 5 has some resemblance to Central American types. 

When the Hottentots drive their herds to pasture, says Kolben, they 
put on a kind of leather stocking to secure their legs from being 
scratched by briars, etc. When they are to pass over rocks and sand, 
they put on a kind of sandal cut out of the rawhide of an ox or ele- 
phant, each consisting of only one piece, turning up about half an inch 
all around the foot, with the hairy side out, aud fastened on with strings. 2 
Nothing could be simpler to protect the sole of the foot. Aboriginal 
peoples, having access to animals with thick skins, naturally resort to 
this simple device of a bit of pelt cut larger than the foot, and while 
green or soaked turned up around the edge of the sole. This method 
of constructing a shoe or boot sole will appear again away up in the 
higher grades of the art. This specimen must be compared with a 
South American example further on. 

Ratzel also figures a sandal from Unyoro, after Baker, somewhat 
dish-shaped, in which there is no distinction of sole and upper, and yet 
the material rises well up about the sole of the foot and above it for 
nearly an inch. 3 The sandals of this type are held onto the foot by 
the rudest kind of lacing, generally rove backward and forward 
through gashes cut in the upper margin. As the Sandwich Island 
sandal is among the rudest of vegetal foot gear, this type ranks low- 
est among those made of skin. Similar sandals are worn on the high 
plateaus of Peru made from the skin of the llama or of coarse vegetable 
fiber (fig. 40). 4 

Sir Samuel Baker figures a Unyoro sandal of rawhide. It is a shal- 
low tray or dish, into which the foot is fitted. A strap toop in front 
fits the great toe; at the sides, on the margins, under the ankle bones 

1 Ratzel, " Volkerkunde, r Leipzig, 1887, i, p. 91, four figures. 
3 Kolben, " Voyage to Cape Good Hope/' iv, p. 14. 

3 Ratzel, "Volkerkunde," Leipzig, 1887, I, p. 65. 

4 Wiener, "P<Srou et Bolivie," p. 679. 

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there are projections upward, slashed for the reception of a thong or 
lacing that passes over the instep and backward over the heel. 

In central Soudan, Kanembu and Manga warriors wear sandals 
made of a sole of hide fastened on by a thong passing between the 
toes straight back to the ankle, where it meets a thong passing around 
the ankle and down to the sole at the arch, as in a spur. Indeed, the 
whole fastening is one continuous thong. This variety adds the toe 
strap, so common in all lands immediately or remotely touched by Cau- 
casian influence. This feature will be noted further on. 

Ratzel figures examples made from leather among the Herero. The 
type has toe strap extended and looped behind the ankle and attached 
to two side straps. 1 The specimens figured are quite ornate, and belong 
rather to social life than to the road. The characteristics also are from 
a region farther north. 

Example No. 72716 is a low shoe from Morocco. The sole is of raw- 
hide, curved up, and formed while wet so as to fit around the margin 
of the foot and over the toes, where the two edges are united to form a 
point decorated with 
an insertion of red / 

morocco. The nar / 

row upper margin, 
of black leather, is 
sewed on all around 
and doubled under ''""*"" *Fig.4o. 

at the edge. The pkruvian *andal8 ok llama hide and textiles, from ancon and 

strin g or strap passes paramono a. 

CT * From n figure in Wiener'* ' Peroii et Bolme." 

through slashing in 

the heel and at the sides of the ankle. The noticeable features are the 
sole made of one piece and the simple manner in which the pointed toe 
is formed. Length, 10 inches. 

Example No. 72716 is a shoe from Morocco, the gift of the Museum 
fur Volkerkunde, Leipzig. It is made of light-brown leather, which 
has been stretched over a last when wet and permitted to dry into 
shape. The toes are pointed, and into them are inserted strips of red 
leather bound with black. They are secured to the foot by a leather 
thong, which ties across the instep. Length, 9f inches. The pointed 
toe is ornamental and leads away from the road. Its distribution in 
time and place is not difficult to trace. 

The Mohammedan influence in west Soudan, added to the North Afri- 
can propensity for fine leather, is expressed in embossed and bedecked 
slippers. Symmetry overcomes the desire to follow the shape of the 
foot. The toe strap is attached to cross straps rising from the arch of 
the foot. There are no heel straps, and the sandal has only a slipshod 
attachment to the foot. 2 The stilt sandal, with toe peg, exists among 

Ratzel, "Volkerkunde," Leipzig, 1887, I, p. 328. 

2 Museum ftir Volkerkunde, Berlin. Figured by Ratzel, Ibid., in, pp. 187, 277. 

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the Mandingos, but is useless for traveling purposes and came with the 

Example No. 43073 is a pair of sandals from Monrovia, Liberia, con- 
structed on the plan of shoes generally worn in Mohammedan coun- 
tries. Several thicknesses of leather are sewed together with a single 
thong in the form of stitch called " running." A small string passes 
up through the front and is connected with the lacing, which passes 
between the toes. The shoe is held iu place by broad bands attached 
to the sole under the heel, and crossing each other on the back of the 
foot. A large button or rosette is placed on top of the foot below the 
instep. The surface of this rosette consists of diagonal weaving of 
red and black leather and palm leaf in very pretty geometric pat- 
terns. Length, 9| inches. Collected by J. H. Smyth, United States 

Mr. L. M. McCormick purchased at a bazaar in Aden a pair of sandals 
which show little or no signs of wear (example No. 175228 in the 
National Museum). The soles are quadrilateral, of two thicknesses of 
old leather, the lower much tougher. Under the heel of each is an 
additional piece, wedge-shaped, and between the soles an old sole for 
packing. These soles are sewed together by thongs of leather, making 
short stitches on top and long stitches underneath, about the margin 
and halfway down the middle. So much for the soles. 

There are four parts connected with the lacing, which may be called 
(1) the toe string, (2) the buckle, (3) the heel strap, and (4) the lacing. 
The toe strap, or string, passes through two slits in the upper sole, so as 
to go between toes 1 and 2 and 3 and 4, and the two ends are then drawn 
up through separate slits in the leather buckle, tied in a single knot, 
and laid down flat. The buckle, so called, is a quadrilateral piece of 
leather, having two narrow slits for the ends of the toe string and two 
wider ones for the lacing. This buckle lies on the top of the foot below 
the instep. 

The heel strap is of the very common sort, a strip of leather nearly 
an inch wide, passing through two slits on the margins of the upper sole. 
Its ends stand up an inch or more, and have double slits or slashes for 
the lacing. 

The lacing is interesting (1) for its function in the " buckle," to hold 
the toe string in place and for the deft way in which the ends of the toe 
strings are tucked under, and (2) for the knots in the lugs or ends of 
the heel strap made on one side by a double loop in the lacing rove 
through the slits, and for the other side by the tucking in of the ends, 
which can be shown only by a drawing. 

Example No. 175227 is a pair of sandals without location, consisting 
of compound soles, toe strings, toe loop, instep baud, and side straps at 
the arch of the foot, besides a variety of ornamentations. As the san- 
dal furnishes a type, it may be more minutely described: 

(1) The sole in its top layer is complete, the next layer reaches from 
the heel nearly to the tip, the next two are complete, and they finish 

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the upper series. The heel is cut like that of a modern shoe. Under 
the ankles two broad side straps extend outward for purposes of lash- 
ing. The front portion widens out very broad, and the specimens are 
rights and lefts. 

(2) Beneath this series is another, of the same dimensions at the heel, 
receding half an inch under the front of the foot. The heel has two or 
three extra layers, but there has been some patching. 

(3) The ankle pieces extending from the sole are double on either side, 
and a double ankle band, the upper layer cut and stamped into lace 
work, is sewed by its euds between the ankle pieces. 

(4) The toe fastenings are noteworthy, consisting of a loop for the 
great toe, and triple or double toe strings between 1 and 2 and 4 and 5. 

These toe strings are gathered between the instep band by means 
of strings having false buttons of leather decorated with brass. The 
sewing is done in the universal southern Asiatic fashion by punching 
holes and reeving a leather thong through them, making neat stitches 
above and long ones beneath. In the English Illustrated Magazine 
for October, 1895, page 83, may be seen a Somali man wearing the 
peculiar, heavy, thick soled, curved sandals, with the curious side- 
boards visible on the feet of some Assyrian sculptures. On page 85 a 
queer looking lot of boys are similarly set out. In riding, the men use 
a rawhide loop for stirrups. 

"In Egypt," says Erman, " men and women, young and old, almost 
always went barefoot, even when wearing the richest costumes. Under 
the old and the middle empire women seem never to have worn san- 
dals, while great men probably only used them when they were needed 
out of doors, and even then they generally gave them to be carried by 
the sandal bearer who followed them. Sandals were more frequently 
used under the new empire; still they were not quite naturalized, and 
custom forbade that they be worn in presence of a superior. Conse- 
quently sandals were all essentially of the same form. Those here 
represented have soles of leather, of papyrus, reed, or palm bast; the 
two straps are of the same material, one strap passes over the instep, 
the other between the toes. Sometimes a third strap is put behind 
round the heel in order to hold the sandals on better; sometimes the 
front of the sandal is turned over as a protection to the toes. The san- 
dal with sides belongs to a later period." 1 

The Egyptian sandals in the Metropolitan Museum, New York, are 
of the following kinds: 

1. No. 351, center of sole of leather bordered with rows of coiled 
weaving in vegetal fiber; toe string of vegetal fiber. 

2. No. 298 is woven, warp transverse, the texture resembling the 
coiled basketry of the Interior Basin of the United States, wherein the 
filaments split through one another; the border consists of two rows of 
coil; toe string of fiber, knotted underneath. 

1 Erman, " Life in Ancient Egypt," London, 1894, pp. 226-228, with ten figures in 
the text. 

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In the Douglas Egyptiau collection of the same museum, one exam- 
ple is woven diagonally of papyrus, but has a sewed border; there is a 
hole for the toe string. One pair has wooden soles, one-eighth inch 
thick, holes for toe strings, and little posts or standards of wood beneath 
the ankle; the lacing passes from the toe string across the top of the 
foot to these posts. In drawings little curtains of ornamental stuff 
depend from the lacings. These sandals are not for the road. No. 45 
in the Douglas collection has a strongly turned- up toe, pointed, the 
continued point meeting the toe string; a side, or vamp and quarter in 
one, extends from the toe quite around, inclosing the foot; the inside 
is lined with diagonally woven matting. These shoes resemble many 
Chinese examples. 1 

The sandal on the statue of Kameses n, in Turin, has a flat sole, 
toe string between 1 and 2, going straight up the top of the foot to a 
much-raised instep band reaching up from the sole under the heel. 
Other examples much turned up after the manner of the Somali type 
in front have the same elements with decorated instep band. Weiss 2 
figures the greatest variety in this instep piece. There are practically 
five types of Egyptian shoe according to this author: 

(1) Sole, toe string, instep strap. 

(2) Sole of vegetal fiber, toe string bifurcated, instep strap. 

(3) Toe strap, ankle baud, vertical side straps. 

(4) Wooden soles, ankle posts, ankle band sloping downward to the 
top of the post, and toe string passing to ankle band in two parts, from 
which hang curtains. 

(5) Double sole, curled toe, toe strap, instep strap. From the instep 
strap to the toe, as in a Canadian toboggan, a curtain hangs down the 
sides. 3 

The ancient Hebrew wore a sandal with sole of leather, felt, cloth, 
or wood, occasionally shod with iron. From a passage in the Mishua 
it would seem that a heel strap was used in addition to the lacing 
[latchet] (Jebam., xn, 1). In accordance with the general statement 
that the shoe is an implement of travel, the Hebrews wore the sandal 
chiefly on the road. It was the Gibeonites who used the condition of 
their footwear as an indicator of distance traveled, " Our shoes have 
become old by reason of the very loug journey " (Joshua ix, 13). 

The modern Semito Hamite pays great attention to the sandal and 
the shoe. The Hittite statue at Jerabis has on its feet boots, the sole 

'The modern Egyptians wear red and yellow Turkish shoes; red outer shoes, 
inurkoo'h; inner yellow shoes, niezz. The former are worn slipshod, and taken off 
upon stepping on a carpet or rug. (Lane, "Modern Egyptians," London, 1846, I, 
p. 44.) i 

*'* Kostiinikuude," Stuttgart, 1860, 2 vols. For the many ways in which ankle ■ 

band may become heel aud instep band by having its ankle parts elongated and 
drawn down to the sole, cf. Ennau, ".Egypt," Tubingen, 1885, pp. 138, 159, and. 

•Weiss, '* Kostiinikuude, " I, p. 37. 

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stopping under the ball of the foot. There is a distinct quarter over the 
heel and a top reaching up and constructed much as in the Athapas- 
can moccasin. 1 

In the U. S. National Museum there is an interesting pair of san- 
dals (example No. 5499), which have been in its possession a great 
many years. The locality given is Arabia, but mauy of the older num- 
bers of the collection are not absolutely reliable. The notable features 
are the sole, the lacing, and the ornamentation. The sole consists of 
four thicknesses of leather, the middle one being the thickest. These 
are sewed together by means of a leather thong passing backward and 
forward, so as to make the alternation of stitches and vacant spaces 
quite regular around the upper border. No care is bestowed upon 
the bottom in this particular. This form of sewing or running bits of 
leather together is a type to be observed. The lacing is thus applied: 
the toe strap consists of three thicknesses which pass down through 
the sole and are fastened off below. Two of these thicknesses serve 
this function and no other. The third strap passes up between the 
toes, turns to the outer side of the foot, is attached to a loop or lug on 
the side by a single half hitch, passes across the instep down to a lug 
on the opposite side where it is again fastened, and then up over the 
side of the foot above the great toe, where it passes through the three 
thicknesses of leather and is fastened off by a 8 >rt of Turk's-head knot. 
The ornamentation consists of diagonal patterns and lines in white 
and green leather formed by sewing or back-stitching with a very nar- 
row thin filament or thong of leather. The top of the sole, a broad band 
going across the foot, and a little narrow tongue of white, green, and 
brown leather on the instep over the lacing are all decorated after this 
fashion. Length, 10 inches. 

Bare feet are very common in Chaldean and Assyrian sculptures, 
but foot gear is not uncommon. Boottees, high shoes, a little difficult 
to make out, and sandals with borders turned up, are worn in proces- 
sions and about the royal palace. 2 

Assyrian sandals shown in sculptures have (1) sole of leather, single 
or double, flat generally; (2) heel inclosed by ''quarter" piece, sloping 
down frontward ; (3) cross straps and lacings from the quarter piece 
over the back of the foot and to the margins frontward; (4) loop over 
great toe, alone or attached to lacing. 

Three kinds of foot gear are shown at Khorsabad. Two of them are 
sandals and one is a laced boot. In one form of sandal the heel and 
plantar arch are closed in, the instep and toes are bare, and three straps 
or three turns of a lacing connect the heel piece or low quarter across 
the instep. In the second sandal this heel is prolonged forward. The 
toes are strapped down and lacings pass across the metatarsals and 
over the instep. The laced boot has a sole curved up all round like 

1 William Wright,-" Empire of the Hittites," New York, 1884, pis. I, n. 
'PerrotetChipiez, "Chaldea," London, 1884, n. 
H. Mis. 90, pt. 2 21 

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that of a Canadian lumberman and the top is sewed to this and laced 
all the way up the front. The Eskimo boots and the lauparsko of the 
Lapps are on the same model. 

The Assyrian of high rank wore a sandal with sole of wood or thick 
leather. The upper consisted of a heel piece, sloping forward and 
reaching to the ball of the foot, where it runs out and leaves the toes 
and back of the foot uncovered. Lugs, or eyelets, on the margin of this 
piece served for lacing, passing two or more times over the instep. The 
lacing also crossed on the instep, and was passed round the great toe 
and between it and the adjoining toe. 

For the common people the sandal was a sole, with a sloping heel band 
extending to the ball of the foot, laced over the instep with a thong 
passing through eyelets. Between the lacing and the instep a pad was 
held in place by the lacing running through slashes in the pad. This 
kind of sandal, reaching only to the toes and held on by a heel band, 
occurs in hundreds of figures in the Mexican codices. It is a little 
difficult to understand how a bare foot would be benefited by such 
gear. In the finest American snowshoes the open space in the netting 
for the accommodation of the toes also suggests itself. Layard also 
tells us that the enemies of the Assyrians differ from them in foot gear. 
On some feet the sole is attached by bands passing over the instep and 
around the heel. In other examples there seems to be a sole turned 
up and the upper rim united by crossbands, the upper part being left 

The warriors' boots in the Khorsabad sculptures are not so difficult 
to comprehend. The sole was turned up all around the margin, the 
vamp and legging were, perhaps, in one piece, and sewed to the sole. 
The legging was doubtless open in front, as may be seen in a great 
many northern examples in our day. 1 See figure boot of the Tate Yama 
hunter. Mr. Rock hill brought from Tibet a long scroll, covered with 
painting of the various western barbarous nations coming to pay their 
tribute to the Emperor of China. The foot wear in most of them agrees 
with the specimens brought home by him. The primitive efforts at 
boot making with the toe well curved up and the typical Turkish 
slipper predominate. 

The Assyrian sandal shown in the bas-reliefs has a leather sole of 
several thicknesses sewed together. The toe string passes between 1 
and 2, is bifurcated and reaches the margin of the sole under the 
arch of the foot, as in the Japanese sandal. There is also a band across 
all toes well in front, in a side view seeming to be looped only over 
the first toe. Frequently the heel cover is a solid leather quarter slop- 
ing forward and giving out at the margin under the ball of the foot. 

In the Oesnola collection, Metropolitan Museum, New York City, 
several pieces of pottery from Cyprus show the boot or shoe form, or 

1 Cf. Layard, "Nineveh and its Remains," New York, 1849, II. See figure opposite 
p. 236. 

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the ornamented moccasin. In one or two examples the toe string 
between 1 and 2, and the additional band across all toes appear. 

Some idea of the foot gear of the Caucasian in his ancient culture 
may be gained from carvings and sculptures or monuments and from 
ornaments on vases. The lesson is the same. The soldier is shod, for 
he is the man of the road, and whether he is portrayed in combat or 
idealized in sculpture or apotheosized in temple adornment, he knows 
no holy ground where he must take the shoes from oft' his feet. A 
modern officer of high rank when borne to his grave, accompanied by 
his horse, has the boots still attached to the stirrups. 

The Greek xprjrtis, Latin crepida, occupied a middle position between 
a closed boot and a plain sandal. Its simplest form was a high and 
strong sole often studded with nails. Other forms had a low upper 
creeping up over the foot and becoming a shoe. In the dramatic cos- 
tumes the xprjnis assumed the form of a soft shoe worn by women. 1 
The crepida belonged to working people and soldiers, chiefs among 
roadsters. About the heel there was a series of loops into which the 
thong was laced across the top of the foot and through the toe strap. 
One form of Assyrian sandal has the same suggestion of an upper. 

The Roman sandalium — BXavrai or oavdakiov in Greek — were orig- 
inally wooden soles secured to the feet with thongs. During the 
Homeric age they were worn only by women; later in Italy and in 
Greece they were used by both sexes. Solea was the military saudal. 
A sandal with a leather toe piece, vnodrjixa, was the ancestor of the 
now universal sandal of the world. By a regular transition the lower 
form became the shoe, calceus. Indeed, the last term covers vnod^jnay 
the laced sandal, shoes, and boots. 

The baxece of the Romans were sandals made of vegetable leaves, 
stems, twigs, or fibers. The figures in Smith show both plain and 
wicker weaving. 2 In both examples there is the toe strap between the 
first and the second toe, a selvage border more closely plaited, and the 
two varieties of sharp toe and round toe that have divided shoes and 
snowshoes into two opposite camps always and everywhere. No heel 
strap appears on these simple devices, and they evidently take their 
places in the class with the heelless slipper. 

In a work published in Amsterdam in 1667, entitled "Balduinus de 
Calceo Antiquo et Negronius de Caliga Veterum," the following styles 
of sandals are figured : 

(1) A scoop-shaped piece of leather, extending under the foot to the 
ball and up the sides and about the heel an inch or so, is abruptly cut 
off, leaving the toes free as on a moccasin suowshoe. Loops pass from 
side to side across the top of the foot. 

(2) A stiff sole fitting the foot has four lugs or loops on the margin, two 
opposite the toe joints, the others under the instep ; a single lace is used. 

1 Smith, Dictionary of Antiquities, s. v. "Crepida," with figure. 
'Ibid., s. v. "Baxea." 

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(3) A flat sole, with one or two bauds across the foot at right angles 
to its axis. Under soles of this pattern blocks of wood and stilted 
appliances are put. 

(4) A sole, with toe string between the first and second toe. On 
reaching the top of the foot this toe string is variously treated (a), 
splittiug and proceeding over the foot to the margin of the sole under 
the instep, Japanese fashion; (b) going straight to the ankle band; 
(c) becoming part of straight across lacing. In a Roman sandal on 
the Arch of Constantine the toe string does both, splits and passes to 
the margin, and by another branch passes straight to the ankle band, 
locking with all crossbands on its way. On Trajan's Column both 
kinds are shown, with toe string and without it. 1 

Examples of medieval shoes are in the Baker collection, Metro- 
politan Museum, New York. The slipshod and the plain low shoe are 
affairs of fashion, however, and the ancient forms held the road till 
much later. 
Example No. 130835 (fig. 41) is an Afghan sandal, consisting of the 

sole and the upper 
lacing. The sole 
is built up of three 
thicknesses of 
leather, that is, a 
heavy, coarse strip 
lined above and 
be]ow with thin 
leather. At the 
heel two additional 
thicknesses of the 
thin leather are 
added below. 
These are all sewed 
together by three lines of stitching, in which the sewing is done, not 
with thread, but with a string of leather one-eighth of an inch wide, 
passing through the three soles backward and forward in what is called 
a running stitch. 

The upper part or lacing is thus effected ; a strip of leather 2 inches 
wide is sewed in with the parts of the sole on both sides of the ball 
of the foot, these are then slit into four divisions or ribbons, braided 
together by a four- ply braid to go across the back of the foot. The 
ends are then gathered up and sewed into the upright ankle straps, 
which were also attached to the soles when they were sewed together. 
Between the two upright ankle straps a horizontal strap is carried back 
of the heel and buckled into the one on the other side. The toe is 
pointed, and from this point a narrow loop of leather is carried back- 
ward over the back of the foot and woven in strips before mentioned. 

Fig. 41. 

Cat. No. 130H35. L . S. N. M. Gilt of Uarnet Phillip*. 

'Grdig, " Old-faahioned Shoes/' Ediuburgh, 1889, pis. xvi, xvn. 

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This peculiar attachment of strings running from the point of the toe 
should be compared with the similar feature of some Oriental sandals. 
Length, 10£ inches. Gift of Barnet Phillips. 

In many western Asiatic pictures on stone and pottery and paper the 
men are wearing buskins or a kind of moccasin of greater or less 
height and thickness. 

Example No. 153347 is a pair of sandals called ciapal, from Singa- 
pore. This is an ornamental shoe, the parts fastened together with 
rivets. The upper part, however, preserves the band between the toes 
made of a cord bound with red morocco and sewed. 

An interesting feature of this example is the fact that in the con- 
struction of the modem complex sole the shoemaker, instead of carry- 
ing his knot of the toe strap down through the sole and fastening it off 
under the bottom has brought it partly through the sole and out again 
on top to form an ornament. It might be well to remember this charac- 
teristic in accounting for the long-toed shoes worn extensively in medie- 
val times. Length, 9£ inches. Collected by Hon. Kounsevelle Wildman. 
The common sandal of India consists of (1) a leather sole of more than 
one layer, sewed with a single thong; (2) the single toe string; (3) 
instep band, meeting the toe string on the back of the foot, the joint 
covered with large rosette. The elevated wooden sandal, with toe peg 
or knob, carved and inlaid, is here also perhaps under Mohammedan 
or Aryan influence. 

In the U. S. National Museum there are a pair of chaplies or sandals 
worn in Kashmir, India, No. 164944. They are said by Dr. W. L. 
Abbott to be exceedingly comfortable. They consist of the sole, the 
toe strap, the upper and the heel strap, similar to No. 130835. A stock- 
ing or sock of soft leather is worn with these sandals; it is made of 
soft dressed sheepskin, and has two nearly equal divisions in front for 
the toes. The sole is a separate piece of leather. The vamp and the 
quarters are sewed on to the sole as in a European shoe. The divided 
toe is to be comi>ared with the Japanese type. Dr. Abbott says that 
the socks are generally used without the split toes, and the brass eyelets 
or grommets are inserted for the lacing. This last should be regarded 
as a Europeau production. It is an Aryan type of shoe, and it reminds 
one of the form in vogue in Europe. Length, 12£ inches. Gift of Dr. 
W. L. Abbott. In Dr. Abbott's collection the moccasin-like sole with 
puckered margin is common on boots. The Museum is further indebted 
to Dr. Abbott for a pair of woman's low boots from Leh Ladak, No. 
175104, woolen throughout, in many colors and patches, toes turned up 
and pointed; a pair of children's pabboos, same materials and style, 
No. 175105; boots or chirroks from Yarkand and worn by both sexes, 
No. 175118. These last have white leather soles turned up two inches, 
the long, brown legs are inserted and blind stitched to the sole. There 
is a loop on the back of the sole for a lacing. The leg and sole unite 
without intervention of an upper. From Baltistan Dr. Abbott sends 

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boots of like type but wretchedly made with leather soles patched and 
coarsely puckered, the tops being of the coarsest kind of woolen fab- 
ric, No. 164978. 

The chapli, or shoe of Bombay, is a mitten for the foot, having a sep- 
arate stall for the first toe. This shoe exists as a stocking in the 
Himalayas and the Kashmir and also in Japan, where the sandal with 
toe string demands such inside wear. 

Example No. 16695 is a leather shoe worn by the Telugus, in south- 
ern India, consisting of three layers of very coarse leather sewed 
together with a white leather thong in the same stitch as most of the 
examples from this region. The great toe is inclosed in a separate loop. 
Two small straps pass from the front backward between toes 1-2 and 4-5, 
and a broad band is attached to the sole on either side of the arch of 
the foot and passes over the instep ; the two narrow straps from the front 
are inserted through this band. This is a very warse piece of work. 

Length, 8£ inches. In this connection it 
should be noted that in the sandals from 
East Africa there are two toe straps, one 
between the first and second toe and one 
between the fourth and fifth. 

The collections of Hon. W. W. Rockhill in 

the U. S. National Museum admirably show 

some of the transitions of the Tibetan foot 

wear. In the rudest form there is a clumsy 

combination of the turned-up and puckered 

sole with the vamp, just as in the Eskimo 

sealskin boot Above the vamp is the boot 

leg with fore and hind seam and any number 

Fig. 42. of transverse seams. This part is coarsely 

koko nor boot. lined with woolen cloth. 

c.t. no. 131072, u. s. s m. Counted by w. The Koko Nor boot, on the contrary, pro- 

' ** ceeds upon another plan. Coarsely it is a 

boot in all essential points, in fact a Chinese shoe with thicker soles and 

leather top and an additional sole of leather beneath (fig 42). This 

type may be seen in various parts of the Chinese Empire and represents 

the climax of the art there. 

Other specimens in this same collection are worthy of study. Example 
No. 167179, No. 5 in KockhilPs plate in his "Mongolia and Tibet," page 
14, is a llama boot with top of red russian leather stamped with small 
checkerwork. Only one seam, and that in the back ; but on one side of 
the front half a vamp is inserted, making a seam on top of the foot and 
down diagonally on one side. The toe is the regular Chinese form, 
with projection. To unite this top with the sole the lower edge of the 
top is bound with a strip of green leather, like a welt, only the margin 
turns out instead of in. The sole consists of two parts, a thick upper 
layer of felted yak hair quilted together an inch thick and bound also 

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Boots of Tibet ano Neighboring Regions. 

In examples brought to the United States National Museum by Mr. W. W. Rock- 
hill and Dr. W. L. Abbott are to be studied the endeavors of the bootmaker to secure 
warmth, protection, and durability in relation to environment. The Chinese com- 
pound and padded sole, the hyperborean turned up and puckered sole, the uppers 
of cloth, felt, and leather, the le^s with several tops, and the garters are in great 
variety. Some elements are original, some Siberian, and others are derived from 
China, Mongolia, and from Turkestan. 

Fig. 1. Tibetan Boot and Garter. Sole of stiff, white yak leather, turned up 
all around as in Siberian and Eskimo boots and puckered very little. 
Upper of several thicknesses of white cotton cloth, closely quilted 
together and attached to the sole by running stitches, short on the outer 
side and long on the inside. There are three parts to the leg; one of very 
coarse, garnet, woolen cloth called " trukr* one, of gaudy striped flan- 
nel; and the other, of blue cotton cloth. Continuous with a gore in front 
of the upper, there is an opening along these three tops, and into this is 
inserted an ornamental stripe of different-colored woolen stuffs. Lining, 
of very coarse woolen cloth, woven diagonally. Length 10 inches. Col- 
lected by W. W. Rockhill. 

(Cat. No. 131045, U. S. N. M. ) 

Fig. 2. Tibetan Boot and Garter. Similar in design to the specimen shown in 
fig. 1 , with sole of white yak hide whipped on to the upper, which is of 
black leather run on to the woolen top. In this specimen also is a 
series of tops in different colors, with insertion or embroidery worked 
into the slit in front of the leg and upper. Length 10 inches. Collected 
by W. W. Rockhill. 

(Cat. No. 131045 (a), U. 8. N. M.) 

Fig. a. Tibetan Boot. Made of cowhide, after the Chinese pattern. Sole, of sev- 
eral thicknesses, attached by an ingenious sort of welt which is sewed 
to the upper and joined to the under layers by another row of sewing 
deeper in. The parts are generally fastened together at the heel and 
front by enormous nails which are clinched on the inside. The upper 
is attached to the leg by a double piping of leather between them. In 
the seam that extends from the front of the toe, far up on the leg, occurs 
also a double piping, and the edges of the leather are turned outward in 
the seam. Worn on the borders of Koko Nor. Length 11 inches. Col- 
lected by W. W. Rockhill. 

(Cat. No. 131072, U. S. N. M.; 

Fig. 4. Tibetan Boot.— Siberian type. The sole is of yak rawhide with the 
hair on. It is turned up and slightly puckered, pointed and bossed in 
front. The upper is of dressed leather and fitted inside the margin of the 
sole and attached by blind stitching. The leg consists of three tops; the 
first is of yellow leather fitted inside the upper and backstitched; the 
second is of light-brown leather, inserted inside the first, and sewed over 
and over: the third is of coarse leather with the flesh side out. The 
upper and ail of the tops are split for the insertion of several narrow 
bands or pipings of colored leather. In this regard the specimen should 
be compared with many beautiful examples from Alaska, secured by E. 
W. Nelson. One of these is mentioned on page 340 (Cat. No. 43345). 
The lining is of coarse woolen cloth. Collected by W. W. Rockhill. 

(Cat. No. 167303, U.S.N.M.) 

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Report of National Museum, 1894.— Mason. PLATE 2. 


Boots of Tibet and Neighboring Regions. 

Rockhill, "Notes on the Ethnology of Tibet," PL 2, Report of the Smithsonian Institution (U. S. National 

Museum), 1893. 

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about the margin with green leather. The under sole is a thick piece 
of hard leather, attached to the upper sole and the top by a stitching of 
stout twine that passes down through all and back, holding the parts 
together. The ornamentation is worked on the surface in various colors 
of narrow silk braid. There does not seem to be any originality in the 
Tibetan foot clothing. Here Mongol elements obtrude; there Chinese 
and frequently Russian influence obscures all the others. One may see 
in Laplaud and Finland characteristics of boots suggestive of Tibet, 
and again among the Eskimo other marks call them to mind. As this 
desert land can not have been the prolific source of cultures, it must be 
the desolate suburb into which they have been driven. 

Example No. 131045 is a pair of Tibetan boots (pi. 2, fig. 1). The sole 
is white yak rawhide, puckered as in the Eskimo boot. The upper con- 
sists of twq pieces of white cotten cloth doubled several times, united at 
the toe and at the heel, about 2£ inches high. On the top of this upper a 
rectangular space has been cut out from the instep dotfn. The top of 
the boot is of red woolen cloth called truk and is sewed on the margin of 
this upper, and also fills the rectangular space adorned with insertions 
of white and green and red. The red truk top is continued in a strip 
up to the margin of the boot leg. Above the red top is a broad band 
of green woolen material, and above this a band of blue cotton stuff. 
Inside of this complicated top is sewed a lining of very coarse woolen 
blanketing in diagonal weaving. The boot leg is split open at the back 
down as far as the upper margin of the red top. Length, 11 inches; 
height of upper, 2 inches; height of red flannel top, 4 inches; height 
of green top, 5 inches; height of blue top, 4 inches. 1 

Example No. 131202 is a pair of shoes from Mongolia, made of leather 
and puckered in front, drawn and sewed together in a T-shaped seam 
at the back of the heel, a flap being turned up and fastened down. 
The vamp is a piece of leather fitting under the margin of the crimped 
portion and bound to it by the puckering string. This rude example 
must be compared with the example (No. 20797) from Sitka, being sim- 
ilar to it in the puckering of the front and the peculiar formation of the 
heel and the vamp. There is no heelpiece sewed on above, as in the 
Sitka specimen. Length, 11 inches. Collected by W. W. Rockhill. 

Example No. 131044 is a pair of sandals from Sechuau, made of bast 
upon four warp cords, with filaments of straw. The sole is woven in 
wicker-work. In passing across, the outer threads are finely twisted, 
but across the middle of the sole above and below they are left plain, 
and on the bottom are cut off at each turn just below and parallel with 
the margin all around, leaving a sort of fringe work or tuft. At the heel 
and toe the cords forming the outer margin of the warp are turned up 
for an inch or two and wrapped with twine or with braid. Upright 
strands to the number of three or more extend for an inch or two along 
the outside of the great toe, the little toe, and at the sides of the heel. 

1 Figured in Rockhill's "Journey through Mongolia and Tibet." 

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Through these are rove the long lacing which is tied above the instep. 
As regards the upper lacing, this shoe should be compared with No. 
131198 from Kansu, China, collected by W. W. Rockhill. Length, 11 

In most respects these two examples are like No. 116211 (p. 331), from 
Yokohama, Japan, collected by S. Eneeland. 

Mr. Rockhill brought from Kansu, in northwestern China, a pair of 
shoes (No. 131198, U. S. N. M.) that represent a type. The sole is made of 
sennit or braid of hemp strands, half an inch or more wide. Beginning 
in the central line of the sole the sennit is coiled backward and for- 
ward six or more times. The whole fabric is held together by sewing 
through from side to side with stout twine. Sailors make the same 
kind of soles from manila yarn braided into sennit and the very same 
sole exists in Spain and Peru. The upper part of the shoe is a very 
complicated affair, but the style is common. At the toe and the heel 
stout cords are inserted between the last two turns of the sennit and 
extend in front up over the middle toes, dividing on the back of the 
foot below the instep. In the rear these cords, to the number cf five 
or more, extend well up on the heel. Both sets, front and rear, are 
sewed together with a common weaving finer cord. The lacing of the 
shoe is rove through loops at the ends of the upright cords. At the 
sides of the toes and of the heel a series of small cords pass from the 
sole up to the lacing, which is doubled and are neatly woven into 
it. In many Chinese and Korean shoes this system of upright cords 
like a delicate balustrade is common. In the U. S. National Museum 
there is an Athapascan Indian moccasin upon the bottoms of which a 
sole of coiled sennit has been securely sewed. Mr. Rockhill says that 
you rarely see Chinese go barefooted. The poorest of them wear straw 
sandals. This is for northern China, but Dr. Graves says that many 
of the coolies go barefoot. Many wear sandals, which on the road do 
not last very long, but they are cheap and may be found at stalls and 
shops by the roadside. Others wear leather sandals that are more 

Example No. 55864 is a pair of shoes from China, each consisting of 
two parts, the sole with its lacings and the upper. This is a very 
important specimen in connection with No. 116211 and No. 131044 (fig. 43) 
because it explains the use of the pointed portions at the heel and at 
the toe. The sole part is built up of rice straw upon four twines laid 
down in the same way as No. 116211 and the warp is of coarsely woven 
rice straw. The i>rojection at the toe, the loops at the sides of the toes 
and at the sides of the heel are precisely as in the examples mentioned, 
but the upper part of the shoe is a slipper made of plantain leaf folded 
together ingeniously to fit the foot. This slipper also fits into the straw 
sole and is lashed on by means of lacing passing over the toe, through 
the loops, and above the heel. In looking at the ordinary sandal of 
this kind it is difficult to see how it could be made comfortable on the 

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Korean Shoes and Sandals. 

The intermediate position of Korea with reference to Mongolia, China, and 
Japan, as well as the geological and social conditions about the people, produce 
a great many kinds of footwear. In the F. S. National Museum are the following 

1. The Chinese low shoe with thick sole made fine or coarse, and often foxed 
with leather or cloth of different colors. 

2. The stilted shoe with endless variety of form in Japan, but having an upper 
more like a sabot, modeled after the Chinese low shoe. 

3. The straw openwork low shoe (vhip-t<eki). This is shown in three examples 
on the plate. The woven sole is similar to that of the Japanese and Chinese. 
The upper never has strings between the toes nor loops about the margin of the 
sole, but is built up of any number of vertical twine filaments united at the top by 
means of a horizontal twine. As will be seen in the plate, rags cooperate with the 
straw twine to form a padding. The rope on the back of the foot is attached to 
upright ankle loops and a rope heel-band wrapped with bast or cloth. There are 
several examples in the F. S. National Museum, collected by Ensign J. B. Bernadou. 
F. S. N. 

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Report of National Museum, 1894 -Mason PLATE 3. 


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foot, but tins example explains all the parts of the sole. It is alfeo to 
be noted as a very coarse, first step, in the invention of the stocking. 
Length, 13J inches. 

One of the Korean sandals shown in pi. 3 has the sole made of a warp 
of six coarse cords upon which is woven in wicker style a weft of twisted 
rushes. Two of the twines extend up and back of the heel. From the 
top of this extends quite across the upper margin of the foot a cord, 
like a rail about a boat. From this descend to the sole stout lashing 
on each side of the arch of the foot, and a close arrangement of par- 
allel cords all around the front half of the foot. There are no lacings. 
A child's sandal of this type (No. 151146, U. S. N. M., 6 inches long; 
Seoul) is identical with Chinese specimens before described. 

Dr. Hough describes and figures the following types of Korean 
shoes : 

(1) Rain clogs or sabots, with stilts beneath. This feature may be 
traced in western Asia; the stilted shoe, beautifully inlaid and adorred, 
abounding in Persia and India. 

(2) Felt shoes, lined with leather, Chinese types. 

(3) Travelers' sandals, with straw soles, upper border like a balus- 
trade connected with the sole by many parallel twines. This class 
exists in many styles, 1 and is perfected in China. 

The Japanese sandal with single toe string and padded bands over 
the back of the foot will be referred to as of Tartar origin. 

The Japanese laced sandal, based on Chinese motives, involves two 
types of manufacture, one for the sole and one for the upper. The 
weaving on the sole is based on four warp filaments, ropes, or bundles 
of straw. The weaving on the sole is done with long, coarse filaments 
in wicker style. The warp being rigid, the weft presents a coarse 
appearance as in corded goods. Practically, the shoemaker takes two 
bundles of filaments or two small ropes more than twice the length of 
the foot, doubles them at the middle, and unites the bends at the toe; 
or he takes one long rope or twine, and at its middle forms a couple 
of loopfc 3 or more inches long. The two halves of the cord are carried 
forward to the toe and beyond it. Here they are doubled back and 
the four strands securely and neatly wrapped together. This forms 
the projecting portion at the toe, to be later mentioned again. The 
two ends are carried back to the heel and crossed at the starting 
point. The weft of the sole is then woven in ; the extended ends of 
the warp ropes, a foot or more long, will serve for lacing. 

In the simplest sandal the sole constitutes the chief part of the 
object. But in the development of the most beautiful examples there 
has been improvement in two directions simultaneously, to wit, in the 
workmanship and material of the sole and in the creation and perfect 
ing of the upper. In the coarsest sandals the soles are of bark or 

'Hough, "The Bernadou, Allen, and Jouy Korean Collections in the U. S. National 
Museum," Rep. Smithsonian Inst. (U. S. Nat. Mus)., 1891, pi. xx. 

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bast, evidently made in a few minutes. They are aa ugly as a gar- 
ment could well be. In the finest examples, tbe bundles of warp fila- 
ments are nicely laid cylinders and tbe weft is a neat and uniform cord 
of rusbes or straw. 

Tbe provision of wbat in tbe modern sboe corresponds to tbe welt, 
or middle piece between sole and upper, has evidently been the occa- 
sion of much thought among shoemakers in all ages and regions. The 
material at once drives welt makers apart — the workers in hide, felt, 
and the like taking one road, the workers in fiber quite another. The 
Japanese maker of fiber shoes has two expedients ready at hand; 
he can utilize the loops and ends of his warp filaments in securing the 
top of the shoe or he may, as he goes on weaving, gather into the sel- 
vage along its upper margin loops of bast or rush with the free ends 
projecting upward any distance desired. Indeed this is done. So 
that at the finishing of the sole there would be projecting from its 
margin upward a fence or hedge of fiber ready to become twine of an 
open upper or warp of a closed texture. 

Let us suppose that a closed upper is in mind. Of these there are 
many varieties, but they may be divided into two, namely, those with 
heels, becoming slippers or low shoes, and those without heels. In the 
example with heels as many rows as are desired of twined weaving in 
rush or straw or bast are worked around on the warp filaments rising 
from the soles. In a great many examples this weaving is boustrophe- 
don, and in the best specimens in colored and uncoiored fine filaments 
the effect is that of chain stitch in embroidery; bnt even in the coarse 
sandals for road work the effect of the weaving is always pleasing. 
There are examples of this variety in which the rows of twined weaving 
forming the heel equal in number those across the front. In such 
examples the effects of the twining are in bands and lines of colored 
and uncoiored material, varied with geometric and diaper patterns, 
to which this style of technique cleverly lends itself. But in most 
examples in the U. S. National Museum the heels are low. In such, 
four or five rows of twined weaving pass entirely around the sandal, 
then the vamp is woven boustrophedon, and finally a finishing row 
passes entirely around. There remain now the whole set of warps of 
the upper, sticking up an inch or more. These are braided to form an 
ornamental border and then turned down flat inside the shoe. The 
braiding is done in three ply; at each braid one filament is laid down 
and one taken up until the entire border is completed. 

The heelless sandal or slipper without lacing is for house wear 
chiefly, and resembles the other except in the treatment of the heel, 
and may be dismissed with a brief mention. In a pretty example in 
the U. S. National Museum (No. 92861) the first row of twined weaving 
in rather coarse twine is carried entirely around the margin of the sole, 
but at the heel it passes down and under the sole a little way, and four 
short rows of this weaving border the heel, the last scarcely rising to 

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the level of its upper surface. The upward projecting elements at the 
heel are then inclosed in a pretty flat fabric of twined weaving bou- 
strophedon. In many fine examples the tip is a circular insertion like a 
projecting transom, the weaving is the same, however, only this hooded 
or projecting tip is always plain colored. As hinted above, the motive 
in this type of shoe is from the Chinese and Korean area. 

Example No. 116211 is from Yokohama, Japan (fig. 43). These san- 
dals are built on a warp or foundation of coarse straw cord. A single 
cord 10 feet long is doubled in the middle around the front of the foot, 
the two ends are carried back the length of the foot and 4 inches to form 
the heel loops. Here they are both doubled and carried back between 
the outer border cords over the first loop, and extend outward 30 inches 
to form the lacing. With the four warp strands thus provided for, the 

Fig. 43. 


Cut. No. 116811. V. S. N. M. dllrrletl by S. KnoHiwi.l. 

weft consists of a close wicker weaving of very slightly twisted bunches 
of straw fiber packed closely together at the margins of the heel and 
just in front of the arch of the foot. On each side loops are formed 
in the course of the weaving by extending the weft filaments a little 
way. These loops extend about an inch beyond the border of the san- 
dal. The lacing proceeds from the tip of the sandal across the foot, 
through the loops on the side, passed back through the heel loops, 
and back again through the side loops and over the instep, where it is 
tied. These cheap sandals carefully studied form the type or foun- 
dation characteristics of the more refined foot gear of the Japanese. 
Length of sandal, 9 inches; of foundation twine, 5 feet. Collected by 
S. Kneeland. 

Example No. 73084 is a pair of sandals brought to the U. S. National 
Museum from Nikko, Japan, by P. L. Jouy. They are each made of 
two thin and one thick piece of ox hide, closely sewed together by a 
flat thong of the same material near the edge. The hair has been left 

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upon the upper layer as a protection to the foot. Under the heel is a 
thin semicircular plate of iron, which receives the wear as the sandal 
is dragged along the ground in making the forward stride. The sandal 
is secured to the foot by a round, soft strap, which passes from the 
sides near the heel up over the back of the foot to an upright piece of 
hide secured to the sole and passing between the first and second toe. 
This style of attaching the sandal by means of two round, padded 
bands passing from the thong between the toes over the back of the 
foot to the margin of the sole under the ankle joints has a restricted area 
in space, and it also lias social characteristics. Those of this type in the 
IT. S. National Museum collection are mostly for house wear, although 
the specimens here described are for hard service, and this style of 

sandal is universal on the road. The 
trailing heel may also be remarked as 
an incident in shoe wearing which finds 
its more exaggerated occurrence in the 
action of the snowshoe and skee. The 
language of Japan is believed to be 
Tartar. Certainly, the divided stock- 
ing, the sandal with toe string, and the 
high-posted shoe are not of eastern 
Asia. If the collection in Washington 
speaks truly and comprehensively, none 
of these are used there outside of Jap- 
anese influence. The chapli, the high 
wooden shoes, and the sandal with a 
single toe string or peg are not seen 
again after leaving Japan until the ex- 
plorer reaches the Caspian and Aral 

( drainage. This statement is subject to 

Fig. 44. modification, being based merely on the 

CANDAL AND ROOT TOP OF STRAW UNITED, . Sped 11101) S in haild. 

FROM TATE YAMA. JAPAN. -~ , XT P , 11UH . „ . . v . « 

Example No. 73091 (fig. 44) is from 

Cat. No. 73091. U.S. N.M. Cnllert.,1 by P I. Jony. * V » / 

Tate Yaina, Japan. This interesting 
specimen of footwear worn by hunters is made of rice straw, and shows 
precisely how the sandal and the legging unite in a very primitive 
fashion to form a boot. The sole of this boot is, in fact, a sandal, with 
five loops for the lacing or attachment, one at the back of the heel, 
two at the side of the heel, and two opposite the instep. It is built 
upon four longitudinal warped cords with small ropes, and wisps or 
bunches of rice straw are woven backward and forward over this warp 
and form a sole a half inch thick. These four warped cords, continued 
outward from the heel, form the two long heel loops. The top of the 
boot is also woven of bunches of rice straw, forming a checkered pattern 
over the foot and around the heel, in which the meshes are about half an 
inch square (see figs. 45-47), just on a level with the instep. These 
straws are left free for the boot top, excepting in four places they are 

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gathered together, and held in place by single rows of twined weaving, 
absolutely identical with the stitch common all over America and in 
certain parts of Africa. 

The lacing on this foot gear is worthy of study. The loop at the 
heel is formed of two long bends braided together and fastened oft* 
in the sole. There is a lacing of two-ply coarse twine, made of straw, 
on each side; the long, loose end passes first through the loop on the 
side of the heel, then through the long loop at the back of the heel, 
then back again through number one, then through the loop below 
the instep, then twined with the extended end of the lacing belong- 
ing to the other side of the boot. The two lacings form a four-ply 
cord or rope across the foot knotted into the fabric just below the 
instep on the back of the foot, and extending down to the loops below 
the instep on the sides where it is fastened off into the sole. This 
knot on the back of the foot is the extremity of a toe string passing 
down through vamp and sole, and in the simple Japanese sandal is 
to be found under the tip of the toe. The loose ends, after being 
drawn tight through the loops, are brought together and tied at the 
instep. Length of sole, 11 inches; height of boot, 14 inches. Collected 
by P. L. Jouy. 

Example No. 150644 in the U. S. National Museum is a pair of sandals 
(shutukeri), made of walnut bark, from the Ainos of Piratori, Yezo, 
collected by Romyn Hitchcock. They are woven on the plan of the 
Japanese sandal, with loops on the side and no toe strap. In most of 
the specimens of Aino sandals in the U. S. National Museum, and shown 
in their photographs, there is a flat sole of textile or hide and a toe 
strap connected with two padded bands passing over the top of the 
foot and attached to the sole just under the arch of the foot after the 
manner of the Japanese. 1 

Example No. 150637 in the U. S. National Museum is a pair of Aino 
boots from Yezo, collected by Romyn Hitchcock. They are made of 
fishskin. The foot is not unlike that of a moccasin. The leg is of 
several upright strips sewed together in. all but one seam to admit the 
foot. Around the top is a band of material doubled. It is interesting 
to note that they are fastened about the ankles by a cord attached 
to a loop on the back of the boot precisely where the loop occurs on 
the sandal in figure 43. 2 

The U. S. National Museum possesses a huge collection of Finnish 
ethnographic material collected by Consul General Crawford. Among 
the specimens are a number of shoes in braided or woven birch-bark 
strips or splints. Dr. Gustave Retzius contributed to the Revue 
d'Ethnographie a memoir ou the uses of birch bark among the Finns. 
In this memoir are figured 3 three forms or fashions of foot gear that 

: Hitchcock, "TheAinosof Yezo, Japan/' Rep. Smithsonian Inst. (U. S. Nat. Mum ), 
1890, pis. lxxxix, xcn, xcv. 
s Ibid., pi. xcvn. 
3 Rev. d'Ethnog., Paris, 1882, 1, pp. 81-93. 


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are here reproduced (figs. 45, 46, 47). The first and simplest is an 
attempt in birch-bark checker weaving to produce a sandal that will 

hang on to the foot or will roll 
up at the sides and incase the 
toes and the heel and furnish 
loops for lacing if desired. This 
is one way of reaching the result 
achieved by the Africans and 
Peruvians in the use of rawhide 
and the Ainos and Japanese in 
the use of bast and other vegeta- 
ble fiber. A bit of art is thrown 
in by alternating the outer and 
the inner side of the bark. 
The next step in the evolution 
is a low shoe or moccasin in bark. The 
Pueblo Indians likewise weave shoes or 
moccasins in the split leaf of the yucca. 
The third step is the production of a 
boot reaching as high up the leg as the 
rigidity of the material would admit. 
There is no preparation for a lacing on 
these specimens. These examples should 
be compared with the boots from Tate 
Yama, Japan (fig. 44), collected by P. 
L. Jouy. The question of early Finnish 
influence in northern Japan might be 

shskin boot may be traced en- 
tirely around the salmon- 
fishing area. Speaking of 
the Amur people and their 
use of fishskin as water- 
proof material, Raven stein 
says that though danger- 
ous as a constant article of 
food, the fish of these rivers 
(Usuri and Amur) are in- 
valuable on account of the 
imperishable garments made 
i i-s. 4-.. 46, 47. of their skins. In boots made 


hark, finlam.. wade through rivulets and 

'—*<■'•-""'"■« < ™-"^ walk in the snow ag on the 

dry ground, equally protected against the cold and moisture. 1 
1 Raveuatein, "Kussiaitf* oh tlie Amur," Loudon, IStfl. p. 96. 

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Bash found among the Yakuts, who are Tartar, that their torbossas or 
boots of heavy tanned deerskin were made "to fit the foot snugly and 
at the toe to arch over the foot like the bow of a skate." Welts are 
sewed in the seams, and " at the ankle two very long and broad strips of 
buckskin are fastened, to be wound snugly about the leg halfway up 
to the knee." 1 These characteristics agree with the Kashmir and 
Tibetan specimens of Rockhill and Abbott. 

According to Lansdell, Tartar men and women wear top boots and 
generally leather goloshes over them, so that on entering a house or 
mosque they have only to slip off the goloshes to secure clean shoes. 2 
There are specimens of these in Dr. W. L. Abbott's collection in the U. 
8. National Museum. 

The torbossas of the Kamchatkans are fur boots reaching to the 
knees, made of the skin on the deer's legs, as being tougher and hav- 
ing shorter hair, soled with bearskin or sealskin, tied about the knee 
and ankle with thongs. Chazees, or fur socks, are made of dog, rein- 
deer, or wolf skin, worn with the fur next the foot, and are not intended 
to fit snugly. 3 

The foot covering of the Chukchi consists of reindeer or sealskin, 
which above the foot are fastened to the trousers in the way common 
among the Lapps. The soles are of walrus skin or bearskin, and have 
the hair side inward. On the other part of the pantaloons the hair 
is outward. Within the shoes are sealskin stockings and hay. 4 The 
summer coverings of the lower extremities are often as long in the leg 
as our sea boots. 

From whatever cause, the fact remains that there is no break 
between the foot covering of the Chukchi and that of their eastern 
neighbors in Asia and northwestern America. The Eskimo exam- 
ples will be studied geographically, commencing with the west. Mr. 
John Murdoch has with great care worked out the pattern, the mak- 
ing, and the varieties of the Point Barrow boots, and his types may 
be used in studying the rest. 5 The boots and shoes of the Point 
Barrow Eskimo have uppers of two kinds — those with the hair on and 
those made of black dressed sealskin fitted to heelless, crimped mocca- 
sin soles of different material. The crimped soles are of three sorts of 
material : 

(1) White, urine tanned, snow-bleached seal skin for winter wear 
when the snow is dry; not suited for rough and damp salt-water ice. 

(2) Sealskin dressed with the hair on and worn tiesh side out; best 
for summer boot soles on wet ground and melting snow. 

1 Bush, "Reindeer, Dogs, and Snowshoes," New York, 1871, p. 161. 
^Lansdell, "Through Siberia," Boston, 1882, pp. 58-59. 
3 Bush, "Reindeer, Dogs, aud Suowshoes," New York, 1871, p. 61. 
<Nordenskiold, "Voyage of the Vega," 1881, n, pp. 98-99. 

6 Murdoch, "Ethnological Results of the Point Barrow Expedition," Ninth Ann. 
Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, tigs. 72-82. 

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(3) Waterproof soles of oil-dressed walrus, bearded seal, polar bear, 
or best of all white whale. 1 

The cutting out and making of the boot, as well as the process of 
turning up and crimping the sole, are minutely worked out by Murdoch. 
Example No. 74042 (fig. 48) is a pair of woman's pantaloons (kumun) 
from Point Barrow, Alaska, collected by Captain Ray and carefully illus- 
trated by Murdoch. They may be thus described : Soles of white tanned 

seal skin turned up aud puckered or 
crimped about the margin. Uppers 
of deerskin in two pieces (vamp and 
quarter), trousers of deerskin, made 
from the short-haired skin from the 
deer's legs. The pantaloon in America 
is found only among western Eskimo 
and Athapascans. Murdoch says that 
these pantaloons are always worn with 
the hair out, and usually over a pair of 
underpantaloons of the same shape 
but of softer skin with longer hair, 
worn next the skin with stocking feet. 
In summer the inner ones are worn, 
the feet being protected by sealskin 
waterproof boots, shown in pi. 4. 2 

Example No. 56750, from Point J" *r- 

row, is a man's boot (fig. 49) with d« ei 

skin leg and seal-skin sole. The 1< _; 

and upper are in four pieces — ba< ':. 

two sides, and front. There are 

strings attached to the sole on the 

margin below the ankle joint. These 

are brought up above the heel around 

in front and laced about the lower part 

Fi 48 of the leg. Collected by the Ray ex- 

woman * pantaloons, rsEi> by thk khkimo pedition. Murdoch, in describing the 

ok point barrow, alaska. structure of this specimen, says that 

Kr ;:::; ;;:::C''::. , ;;- : N:::;;:t;::, , c::;;;n;:: this is » type of the everyday pattern. 

iiHre:,u«fKth,,» y . The bottom is cut oft* accurately to tit 

Cat No. 74042, I'. S. N. M. , , . . ,. /. 

the sole; there is no insertion of orna- 
mental bands or piping, but they are often made of a pattern like that 
of the lower part of the women's pantaloons, that is, with the uppers 
separate from the leg pieces, shown in fig. 48 and in pi. 4, fig. 6. 

1 Of. Murdoch, " Ethnological Kesults of the Point Barrow Expedition," Nintfc 
Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 130, referring to Crantz, I, p. 167, and Simpson i 

2 Ibid., p. 127, with references to Petitot, Bessels, Egede, Crantz, Parry, 

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Report of National Museum, 1894. -Mason. 

Plate 4. 

Eskimo Shoes and Boots from Norton Sound Region and Mackenzie River 



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Eskimo Shoes and Boots from Norton Sound Region and Mackenzie River District, 

Fig. 1. Summer Bootees. Puckered sole of white sealskin: upper and leg of 
seal pelt, hair side in; gore in front of seal skin painted red. The lacings, 
of seal pelt, embroidered in quill work, are attached to the margin of the 
gore on the top of the foot, pass through loops under the ankles, cross 
on the back of the shoe, and are tied in front. Collected at Norton Bay 
by W. H. Dall. 

(Cat. No. 7.-»!»l, U.S.N.M.) 

Fig. 2. Low Shoes of Bleached Sealskin. Puckered well up over the foot. 
These shoes h ave a gore and tongue piece on the top of the foot and 
drawstrings about the upper margin, suggestive of Athapascan mocca- 
sins. Collected from Anderson River, Mackenzie District, Canada, by 
R. MacFarlane. 

(Cat. No. 2rW0, U.S.N.M.) 

Fig. 3. Winter Boots. The sole and footing are of sweated seal hide, bleached 
on the snow, hair side out and neatly puckered. Above this a band of 
dark hide, with the hair side out, is sewed in a water-tight joint. This 
is attached to the deerskin top by means of a puckered seam. The top 
is ornamented with tabs and strips of hide neatly inserted vertically. 
Collected from the Anderson River Eskimo by R. MacFarlane. 
(Cat. No. 3W3. U. S. N. M. ) 

Fig. 4. Winter Boots. These are similar to those shown in fig. 8, but are more 
ornamental, bands of skin with hair on being inserted vertically. Gift 
of R. MacFarlane. 

(Cat. No. 3979, U.S.N.M.) 

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Fig. ">. Man's Sealskin Waterproof Boots. The puckered soles of sealskin are 
cured with the hair on and .are unhaired by friction. The uppers are 
of unhaired oiled hide. The seam across the instep is the joint of the 
two edges of the top, made almost of one piece. There is a drawstring 
in a hem around the upper margin. Gift of C. P. Gaudet. From 
Anderson River, Canada. 

<Cat.No.i:WM T .S.N.M. » 

Fig. 0. Man's Waterproof Boots. Sole, of black seal hide puckered and run on 
to a narrow strip of soft white hide all around; top, of deer pelt in two 
pieces; leg, of vertical strips of deer pelt; border, of several strips of 
variously colored pelt; all from parts of the Caribou skin, selected for 
ornamental effect. Between this lx>rder and the boot top is a fringe of 
wolverine fur. The connection between upper and top should be com- 
pared with fig. 4H. The lacings proceed from the margin of the sole 
below the ankle bones, and are wrapped about the heel and the ankle. 
Eskimo of Anderson River, Canada. Gift of R. MacFarlane. 
• rat.Xo.aPHo.r.s.N.M.,) 

Fig. 7. Eskimo Woman's Winter Boots. These boots have (1) a sole and foot- 
ing of white sweated sealskin, bleached in the snow, and puckered nearly 
all around; (2) a narrow upper of seal hide, flesh side out; (.3) tops of 
deerskin, having the seam ornamented with a strip of embroidered hide. 
There is a drawstring in a hem on the upper margin. Anderson River 
Eskimo. Gift of R. MacFarlane. 

i Cat. No. 3»sa, U.S. N.M.i 

Fig. 8. Waterproof Sealskin Boots. These boots are from Yukon River and 
consist of six parts— the sole, upper, leg, extension top, ornamental 
band, and lacings. The sole is of black dried sealskin from which the 
hair has been carefully removed by shavimr. It is turned up and 
molded into shape so that the crimping has almost disappeared. The 
upper is of brown oiled leather, its lower border is turned up all around 
inside of the margin of the sole, and the two upturned edges are run 
together, the stitches l>eing caught over a cord on the inside, as in birch- 
bark sewing. The two vertical edges of this upper are joined together 
by a diagonal seam, as shown in fig. 5 of this plate. This diagonal 
joint is sometimes sewed only on one side, as in fig. 53. In specimens 
from Greenland, collected by Dr. C. Hart Merriam, the seam extends 
on both sides of the instep. Above the upper, the leg consists of a broad 
band of white sealskin cured by sweating and bleaching in the snow. 
On top of this band, or between it and the extension top, is a pretty 
insertion of brown and white sealskin with piping. The extension top 
is of white sealskin. Collected by J. T. Dyar. 
(Cat. No. 1(HS6, U. S. N. M.) 

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Example No. 56759 is a pair of man's dress boots of deerskin. These 
differ from the common boot in the insertions of different colored hide 
alternating along the horizontal and vertical seams. The soles are of 
white sealskiu, neatly crimped, with the edges coming to a point at 
the toe. Between the upper and the sole are live bands of seal hide, 
the hair black and white alternately. The leg is hemmed at the top for 
a drawstring, and there are lacings at the ankles (fig. 50). 

Example No. 89834 (fig. 51) is a pair of man's dress boots from Point 
Barrow, Alaska. The tops are made from 
the skin of the mountain sheep ( Ovis mon- 
tona). The soles are much turned up all 
round, and, like the last described pair, 
recall the crimped moccasin of the Atha- 
pascans. There are three ornamental 
bands of sealskin — black, white, and 
black — between the sole and the upper. 
Strips of mountain sheepskin and dark- 
brown deerskin, tagged with red worsted, 
fringe the side seam of the leg. Little 
tags are also cut in the edge of the side 
piece on its hinder margin. Mr. Mur- 
doch says that this pair of boots was 
brought from the east of Point Barrow 
by one of the Nuwuk trading parties in 
1882, and this may account for the ma- 
terial and the shape of the sole. His con- 
jecture is confirmed by comparing the 
specimen here described with figures 3, 4, 
and 7 in plate 4. 

Example No. 56749 is a pair of man's 
dress boots from Point Barrow, with soles 
crimped high up. The ornamental bands 
are inserted in the same manner between 
sole and upper, and similarly pointed 
above the phalanges. There is a differ- 
ence in the side seam, and tie insertion 
of a larger piece to increase the size of 
the leg above, let in by an oblique seam 
across the calf. 1 These, according to Murdoch, fairly represent the 
style of full-dress boots worn with loose bottomed breeches, as in his 
figure 09, page 125. They all have drawstrings just below the knee, 
and often have no lacings about the ankles. He calls attention to the 
drawstring as an eastern fashion, but prefers the Point Barrow style of 
tying the breeches down over the tops of the boots. The Smith Sound 

Fig. 49. 

man's boot and trousers united, used 
by the eskimo of point babrow, 


From a figur.- in Murdoch's " Ethnological Keflult* 
of the Point Burrow Kxpeilition," Ninth Annual 
Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. 
Cut No. 66750, U. S. N. M. 

1 Murdoch, "Ethnological Results of the Point Barrow Expedition," Ninth Ann. 
Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 138. 
H. Mis. 90, pt. 2 22 

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Datives are said to tie the boots over the breeches. The boots are all 

joined with reindeer sinew by fitting the edges together and sewing 

them u over and over" on the "wrong" side (fig. 52). 

Example No. 153892 is a very pretty speci- 
men of the Eskimo boot from Point Barrow, 
with the sole puckered in front and at the 
heel after the manner of the Athapascan 
shoe. The vamp and heel are separate, as 
in a modem boot; the upper margin of the 
vamp, the heel, and the outer leg of the 
boot are sewn together. The leg consists of 
alternate strips of white and brown reindeer 
hide. The upper part of the boot is made of 
eight rows of deerskin having different col- 
ored hair, bordered below with a strip of skin 
of the arctic fox ( Vulpes lagopus). Length, 
10 inches. Collected by John Murdoch. 

Example No. 76182 (fig. 53) is a pair of 
woman's waterproof 
boots. TI 
of black dr 
skin read 
knee. Mu 
that they 
full at the 
ankles to : 
and the c 
leaking. r 
seam on c 

the instep appears in Greenland. 3 

collected by C. H. Merriam. Sole: 

whale skin; leg and upper all of 

having one double, water-tight 

seam in front of the leg and across 

the instep to the sole at the ankle 

joint. The upper is joined to the 

sole in such manner that the in- 

sides of both come together; the 

two are then run together with fine 

stitches. A band of white seal- 
skin run on ornaments the top, and 

a drawstring is inserted in a bind- 
ing of black sealskin. Lugs or 

loops of white whale skin for lacing are attached to the margin of the 

sole on either side at the ball of the foot and beneath the ankle joint. 

Murdoch says that the ends of the string are passed through the front 

Fig. 60. 

man's long boot, used by the 

eskimo of point barrow, alaska. 

From n figure in Murdoch's " EthnologM-til !<*•- 

suit* of the Point Barrow Expedition," Ninth 

Anaunl Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. 

Cat. No M7&9, U. S. N. M. 

Fig. 51. 


From a figure in Murdoch's "Ethnological Result* of the Point 
Harrow Expedition," Ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of 


Cat. No. 89834, U. S. N. M. 

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Google _ 



loop so that the bight comes across the ball of the foot, then through 
the hinder loops, and are crossed above the heel, carried once or twice 
around the ankle and tied in front. The waterproof boots from Alaska 
have the seam on both sides of the instep. 

Murdoch describes the manner of sewing a waterproof seam among 
the Eskimo: "The two pieces are put together, flesh side to flesh side? 
so that the edge of one projects beyond the other, which is then blind 
stitched down by sewing it over and over on the edge, taking pains to 
run the stitches only part way through the other piece. The seam is 
then turned and the edge of 
the outer piece is turned in 
and run down to the grain side 
of the under with fine stitches 
that do not pass through to the 
flesh side of it. Thus in neither 
seam are there holes through 
both pieces at once." ! 

This same notion of blind 
stitching may be seen on Atha- 
pascan shoes, even among the 
Hupas in California. 

Lieutenant Schwatka says 
that a certain kind of boot for 
use in the water is found among 
the Alaskans, made of seal or 
fish skin, which is almost if not 
fully as impervious as those 
made of rubber by more civil- 
ized people. 2 His travels were 
about the Yukon River. 

Example No. 43345 is a pair 
of shoes or boottees from Golo- 
vina Bay, consisting of three 
parts — the sole, the vamp, and 
the heel piece. The soles are 
of black seal skin, turned up 
all around and puckered in front and in the rear, looking like an old 
man's chin. The vamp is of white sealskin and is quite ornamental. 
Its lower edge, where it is attached to the upper margin of the sole, con- 
sists of seven bands of sealskin of different colors and varying widths, 
making an extremely elaborate device. From this the vamp extends 
upward quite well on the foot. The heel is a piece of plain white seal- 
skin, which is sewed to the margin of the sole and extends to the top of 

Fig. 52. 


From n figure in Murdoch'* " Ethnological Renulu of the Point Barrow 

Expedition," Ninth Annual Report m( lh« Bureau of Ethnology. 

Cat. No. 56749, U. S. N. M. 

•Murdoch, "Ethnological Results of the Point Barrow Expedition," Ninth Ann. 
Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 134. 

^Schwatka, "Military Reconuoiseance in Alanka," p. 105. 

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the boot. The border at the top is of the same color and has below it 
a little band of sealskin with the hair on. All the parts aie united 
by means of cording or piping of different-colored leather. The lacing 
is attached to the front loops on the sole by sewing. They are crossed 
above the back of the foot, passed through two lugs of white leather 
at the side of the heel, then across the instep, where they are tied. 
Length, 9£ inches. Collected by E. W. Nelson. 

Example No. 121)822 is a pair of boots from St. Michaels, Alaska. The 
sole is made from sealskin, turned up and puckered; the margin on the toe 

and heel turned out so as to form 
the profile of a human chin. The 
lugs consist of straps, as on a boot, 
and the front pair are sewed on 
to the lacing. The top is of brown 
dressed sealskin and is run on 
to the margin of the sole more 
than half way round in front by 
a piping or welt. This top consists 
of a front, or vamp, and the heel, 
which extends from the border of 
the sole to the upper margin of the 
boot. Between the vamp and the 
leg is a gore or insertion of white 
skin, and a band of white skin is 
let in between the sides of the 
vamp and the leg; on that two nar- 
row borders of dark leather have 
been run. From this vamp to the 
upper margin the front of the leg 
is decorated in the following man- 
ner: A piece of hide is inserted 
between the two margins of the 
top, and between these margins a 
piece of white leather doubled up 
for a piping, then the other parts 
are sewed together with a thoug 
or leather string. The upper bor- 
der is decorated with a piece of 
white hide; this is adorned with a narrow strip of dark hide ruu on, and 
at the juncture of this band with the top the second row of stitches 
has, alternating with the white, little bits of dark leather one-half 
inch wide sewed on. Length, 10£ inches. Collected by General Hazen, 
U. S. A. 

There is in the National Museum a shoe similar to No. 43345, but 
the strips of different colored skin inserted between the vamp and the 
sole are wider, more numerous, and are decorated with geometric figures 

Fig. 53. 

woman's waterproof skalskin boot, used by 

the eskimo of point baurow, alaska. 

From a fi«ur« in Mur.lo.jr-, •• Kthnolo«i\al Result* wf the P«»int 
Burrow Expedition," Ninth Annual Ke purl of the Bureau ol 

Cut. No. 76182, U. S. N. M. 

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effected by running narrow strips of leather into the texture of the 
body of the shoe, a very common style of ornamentation in Greenland. 
This specimen is from Norton Sound, and is one of the most beautiful 
examples of the shoemaker's art. Length, S£ inches. Collected by 
E. W. Nelson. 

Example No. 10467, from the Yukon Kiver district, has the fol- 
lowing marks: First, the sole is a stout piece of seal hide, dressed with- 
out the hair; puckered around the toes and heel in exactly the same 
fashion as the sole of the Navajo shoe, No. 9549. To this margin is 
sewed a strip of red sealskin, flesh side out, about- an inch wide all 
around, and to this is whipped the top of the boot made up of twenty- 
five pieces or bits of deerskin sewed together. Just above the ankle 
there is a dividing line between the shoe proper and the leg. This 
latter part is very ornamental, consisting of skin from different parts 
of the deer's leg, with patches of wolverene skin front and back; the 
upper part consists of several bands of skin from the leg of the deer, 
the hair being white and trimmed close above the seams. Drawstrings 
are inserted between the sole and the red strip, just below the ankles, 
and these are brought up over the heel and instep and around the 
ankle to bind the shoe to the foot. Length, 9f inches. Collected by 
J. T. Dyar. 

Example No. 38771 is a pair of boots from Unalakleet, Yukon district, 
Alaska, consisting of a heavy black sole turned up all around and puck- 
ered at the ends. The upper part consists of the vamp, the heel in a 
single piece, and the upper border. The vamp, before being back- 
stitched to the upper margin of the sole is ornamented more than half 
way round with a pretty band of brownish leather, into which two rows 
of narrow stitching of rawhide thread are run making a web-like orna- 
ment; it extends well up above the instep and the heel. A little higher 
still, and the two join together by a very neat seam, in which piping is 
introduced in leather of a different color. The border of the boot is a 
separate strip of leather run on to the top, and a very narrow band of 
brown leather is inserted at this point. Around the top is a little strip 
of deerskin with the hair on. The lacing consists of two straps sewed 
on to the upper margin of the sole opposite the ball of the foot. These 
are crossed over the instep and passed down to the sides of the heel 
through two loops of leather; they are then brought around the back 
of the heel and tied in front over the instep. Length, 10 inches. Col- 
lected by E. \V. Nelson. 

Example No. 7012 is a pair of shoes from Nunivak Island. Soles 
made of sealskin turned up and crimped. The upper part consists of a 
broad strip passing entirely around the foot,, with the leg attached above 
that. The tongue is inserted between the leg and the vamp and the 
lacing. The lacing and the tongue are ornamented with embroidery in 
quill work, which shows a little contact between the Indian and the 
Eskimo. Length, 10 inches. Collected by W. H. Dall. 

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In the early spring the Eskimo women, of Ungava, north of Labrador, 
are busily engaged in making boots for summer wear. The skins of the 
seals have been prepared the fall before aud stored away till wanted. 
The method of skin dressing is the same as practiced by Eskimo else- 
where. If it is designed to make boots for a man, the measure of the 
height of the leg is taken. The length and width of the sole is meas- ^ 
ured by hand, stretching so far and then bending down the middle 
finger until the length is measured. 1 

The foot wear of the Hudson Bay Eskimo, collected by Lucien M. 
Turner, has the following characteristics : 

The boots and shoes differ in material and pattern for different sea- 
sons of the year. In all the styles the stout soles turn up an inch or 
two all round the foot, a tongue piece covers the top of the foot and 
above the sole and the tongue the top varies in height, either being 
long enough to reach the knee or else rising a little above the ankle. 
The low-top half boots are worn over fur stockings in warm weather. 
These stockings are made of short-haired deerskin with the hair worn 
inside. These low-top boots are worn outside the long boots in severe 
weather. The Hudson Bay Eskimo also wear Indian moccasins, some- 
times over a pair of inside shoes and sometimes as inside shoes. The 
Indians in proximity with the Eskimo here are the Nascopi and Mon- 
tagnais Algonquian, and features of Algonquian moccasins are to be 
seen in the more northern boots. The wearing of overshoes, of stock- 
ings and overshoes must not be overlooked in primitive life, and may be i 
kept in mind in the interpretation of ancient pictures and sculptures- 
The Hudson Bay Eskimo use for waterproof soles the skin of the beaver 
or of the harp seal, and prefer the former. For indoor shoes or for those 
to be worn in cold, dry weather, the skin of the white whale was chosen. 
The skins of the smaller seals are made into soles, either with the flesh 
or the hair side out. They are comparatively waterproof if the black 
epidermis be allowed to remain. The creamy white leather made by 
allowing the skins to ferment until hair and epidermis may be scraped 
off and then stretching and drying them in the cold air does not exclude 
the water and can be used for soles only in perfectly dry weather. 
Buckskin or deerskin soles are worn with snow shoes, as the feet are 
not so liable to slip, aud the porous skin allows the moisture of the 
feet to escape more readily. 

The tongue and the heel band of the Hudson Bay shoe are generally 
made of dressed sealskin ; the legs or uppers are of sealskin with the 
hair on. 

Example No. 90359 (fig. 54), collected by Lucien M. Turner, is a pair of 
boots with buckskin feet and tongue and sealskin tops. The combina- / 

tion of Eskimo and Indian is noteworthy. Throughout Mr. Turner's 
Ungava collection there are many specimens of this character. As in 

1 Cf. Turner, " Ethnology of the l T ngava District, Hudson Bay Territory," Eleventh 
Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 206. 

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Alaska the arts of the Yukon pass insensibly from Indian to Eskimo, 
so here. 

Example No. 90356 (fig. 55) is a pair of low shoes from Hudson Bay 
Eskimo, with white sealskin soles, 
black sealskin tongue and heel band, 
and deerskin tops. ' The tawed and 
smoked reindeer skin for the tops 
was purchased from the Nascopi In- 
dians. The noticeable features of 
these specimens are the similarity 
of the white skin sole with those of 
the western Eskimo, the pointed 
tongue or upper, and the narrow 
inserted heel band between sole and 
top. In some of the more elegant 

western forms 

of boots half a 

dozen band 

welts and pip- ^s- 54 

in 0*8 of narti- short boots of unqava bay ESKIMO. 

_ - . From figure in Turner's " Ethnology of the I'niiv* District, 

COlOreU SKin Hudson Bay Territory," Elercnth Annual Report of „*m 

and fur are in- B-^urfEth-ui.^ 

Cut No. 903SB, U. S. S. M. 


One kind of foot gear of these Eskimo consists 
of a bird skin short sock with a padding of grass 
nicely distributed over the sole. Outside of this 
comes a bearskin leg sewed with great skill to 
the natural sole of the plantigrade and abun- 
dantly wadded about the foot with dry, noncon- 
ducting straw. 1 
Stearns thus minutely describes the process of 
boot making by Indians of Old 
Fort Bay, Labrador: "From a 
lot of sealskins one is selected, 
either from a harbor seal with 
the hair on or a large harp seal 
from which the hair has all been 
scraped off. In either case the 
skin, to be the most serviceable, 
lg " ' must be well scraped of fat on 


From a fimrr in Turner's " Ethnology of the Ungava Ilwtrk-t. Hudson the UlSldO lind drHKl IOr tWO Or 
Bay Terntory,- Eleventh Annual Report «.l th- Bureau of Ethn..lo«y. t |, ree ] n0 IlthS Oil SOUIC frame OU 

which it has been stretched to 
its fullest extent in the sun, exposed on the wood pile or roof of the 
house (after the hair has been taken off, if a harp seal, and with 

1 Dr. E. K. Kane, "Arctic Explorations/' Philadelphia, 1856, pp. 22-24. 

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the hair on, if a harbor seal). These dry skins will not shrink, and for 
every purpose of wear are infinitely better than the shoes sold in large 
numbers, made . of quickly dried skins, sewed upon wooden forms, 
which shrink and tear, while they soon wear useless. Out of them the 
boot leg is cut from a pattern of any kind the wearer may choose. All 
or nearly all bottoms are cut from like patterns to fit a foot of any 
shape, but invariably from the dried skin of the harp seal, the drier 
and older the better, since they stand more wear the older they are. 
The pattern of the sole is an oblong oval, while the tongue or top 
piece is more or less lance shaped. After soaking over night in water 
to soften it, the sole is taken and the whole eilge for about an inch and 
a half is bent inward; then the toe is puckered in creases, as is also 
the heel, while the tongue fits the space left after the boot leg is tem- 
porarily fastened on, all the pieces overlapping enough to allow for 
sewing. These puckerings are made by simple creases of the needle 
at the time of sewing. All seams are made — if the sewing is done 
in a skillful manner, and not simply to sell the boot — by the simple 
overlapping of the two pieces and sewing each edge tightly to the 
part beneath, while the ridge thus made by the seam, if rubbed with 
a piece of wood, shoemaker fashion, will be hard and shiny as well as 
very tight. In all sewing the skin is so thick that the needle can be run 
through it and out the same side without perforating the skin ; thus a 
seam admits no water through the sewing if the thread aud overlapping 
pieces are drawn tight. The. upper border of the boot leg has a doubled 
piece of cloth sewn around its edge, though sometimes sealskin replaces 
it, through which a piece of tape or braid of any color to suit the 
wearer, about a yard and a half long, is threaded, and the skin being 
quite flexible when on the foot is drawn tightly about the leg, the braid 
wound about twice and tied with the string end hanging outward. 
This secures the boot firmly and yet not painfully to the foot by the 
leg, and, though the string often gets loose aud the boot leg often slips 
down, it seldom gives much trouble to the wearer. A noteworthy opera- 
tion that might escape one's attention, as well as a curious fact in con- 
nection with this operation, is that the puckerings of the heel are held 
together by running two, three, or four small threads at about equal 
distance from each other, the stitches being taken through the bend in 
the creases on the inside of the boot from side to side around the heel, 
where they are drawn tight and fastened to the seam above; another 
fact is that the creases of the toe are not thus fastened." l 
The types of the Eskimo foot wear are : 

1. The straw shoe or stocking, between Bering Strait and Kadiak. 

2. The moccasin-shaped low shoe. 

3 The moccasin sole with boottee top. 

1 W. a. Stearns, "Labrador," Boston, 1884, pp. 162, 163. The boots of the east Green- 
In nd**rs are of similar make, and ar«« described by Holm and by Nansen, "First 
Cios**«i^ of Greenland," n, p. 272 et seq. 

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4. Boottee with sole; vamp and legging separated from the sole by one 
or more bands or welts of different color and width. 

5. Crimped soles united immediately to the seal or other skin tops. 
These are winter boots. 

6. Waterproof boots with criinped soles united immediately to the 
vamp and quarter. These two parts are joined, sometimes with a seam 
on one side and sometimes with a seam on both sides, and above the 
vamp and heel piece are tops, and sometimes extension tops, either of 
waterproof or of white sealskin. 

7. Double boot (outer boot with crimped sole united to a long leg of 
sealskin or deerskin with the hair side out and inner boot or stocking 
with the hair side in toward the foot). 

Where the Eskimo have been in contact with the Russians, the 
whalers, and with the Scandinavians, various foreign elements have 
been introduced, as the welt in the seams, additional strips and deco- 
rative piping between the different parts, and the addition of bead 
work and line embroidery on the surface. While certain elements and 
materials characterize various culture regions, the going about of the 
Eskimo themselves and the acculturations above mentioned have greatly 
mingled the characteristics of the foot wear. 

On leaving the Eskimo region in America and traveling southward 
one passes from the land of sealskin foot gear into that made from the 
dressed hides of land mammals. This class of foot wear goes by the 
generic name of moccasin, from an Algonquian word having a similar 
sound. Some features of the moccasin may be seen in Eskimo land, 
and Eskimo features will appear in Athapascan and Algonquian shoes 
especially; so also on the south border of the moccasin areas there is no 
sharp Hue dividing it from the sandal and the bare foot. 

Moccasins have their dispersion in those areas of North America 
where the great mammals were in abundance, and where the ground 
was adapted to their usage. The people were ever on the move. In 
the Canadian region where the caribou was the prevailing mammal 
and no good thick hide could be found for soles, the shoe was cut from 
a single piece. The eastern Canadian Indians cut the skin from the 
heel of a caribou or moose with extensions above and below, for the leg 
and the foot* of a rude moccasin, called botte sauvage. 

The laud of the buffalo and of the elk, because of the quality of 
the hide and the exigencies of region, occupation, and climate, had 
another set of types. 

On arriving in the cactus country the Indian had to guard his feet 
and his legs as well, and found in the ample folds of an entire deerskin 
for each foot, and a thick sole well turned up in front, the protection 
he needed. The patch of leather on the Mexican sandal lacing is for 
the same end. In point of fact there were and are three principal 
classes or species of the moccasin : 

I. The Athapascan type, a soft gaiter coming well up on the ankle, 

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made of a single piece with decorated tongue in front, lapels of flannel 
and buckskin over the lacing behind, and the gaiter top. Found in 
Canada and on the west coast. 

2. The low, much decorated slipper moccasin of the plains and of 
the United States east of the Rockies, with endless tribal varieties. 

3. The boot, with long top to wrap about the limbs. 

There were, in addition to the environmental suggestions, fashions 
of moccasins that were purely tribal. For instance, among the Siouan 
tribes the Ponka moccasin sole was nearly symmetrical, broad across 
the ball of the foot, and bluntly pointed in front. The Omahas made a 
moccasin the sole of which was almost straight along the inside of the 
foot and pointed like our latest fashion, while the Pani style was curved 
very irregularly along both edges and sharply pointed. But styles 
were mixed from tribe to tribe. 

Moccasins were generally made in summer, since the hides of buffalo 
slain during that season were without thick hair. In the making the 
women pulled out the hair, as they did in the manufacture of leggings. 
They were cut out by a pattern, made over a rude last, and sewed 
with thread made of sinew from the leg or the fiber from the muscular 
fasciae of the back and the shoulder. Before the introduction of beads 
dyed porcupine and bird quills were employed in ornament, and it is 
worthy of notice that now the old patterns are repeated faithfully in 
bead work. The making of the moccasin is a matter of ethnical and 
geographical study, as will be observed in the drawings and descrip- 
tions.' They are white, yellow, brown, black, or green ; they are very 
low, with margin turned down, or fitted closely to the foot; they are 
plain or covered with symbols of totemism and mythology; they have 
trailers differing in pattern, number, and length. In a region so vast as 
all Canada south of Eskimo and all the United States excepting the 
southwestern corner, the resources and exactions of nature would in the 
same tribe effect many varieties and styles. 

Commencing at the far north, example No. 7613 is a pair of moccasins 
of the Kutchakutchin Indians on the Yukon, consisting of three parts, 
the covering of the foot, the tongue, and the heel (fig. 56.) The first- 
named piece is cut out in rectangular form, mitered in front and the two 
edges sewed together or joining a tongue piece. In the heel the two 
edges are brought together and sewed downward about 3 inches, then 
for the rest of the way the leather is doubled so as to form a T-shaped 
seam, and this provides for the flattening out of the sole. The tongue, 
like that of a modern shoe, is sewed in with a piping, but the heel cur- 
tain is here omitted from the margin of the shoe. The edge of the bot- 
tom of the heel is cut off square and leaves no trailers whatever. No 
1336, collected by C. P. Gaudet (fig. 57), is similar to this, excepting on 
the top of the shoe a piece of white leather or false tongue is added for 
ornament, and the seam gathered with beautiful quill work of red and 
blue. Also on the back of this example the inserted leather hangs an 

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Fig. 50. 

Cat. No. 7613, U. S. N. M. Collected by William H. DalL 

inch below the seam like a curtain and is cut out neatly into a castel- 
lated ornament. Length of foot. 10£ inches; height of boot, 9 inches. 
Collected by W. H. Dall. 

Example No. 1669C4 is a shoe of the Athapascan form worn in the 
interior of Alaska on the Yukon, 
described alsounderNo. 1330, but to 
the bottom of this Indian moccnsin 
is sewed a thick sole, made of sennit 
constructed out of old manila rope, 
frayed and braided after themanner 
of the Tibetan shoe No. 131198. 
The union of the Indian moccasin 
with the Chinese and Tibetan sole 
in the same specimen is an excel- 
lent example of the way in which 
one people borrow the inventions of 
another. This shoe is evidently an 
adaptation made by an American 
sailor or by a Chinaman recently 
living in Alaska. Length, 10£ 
inches. Collected by J. H. Turner. 

In winter, according to Mackenzie, the dress of the Chippewyan is 
composed of the skins of deer and their fawns, dressed as line as any 
chamois leather in the hair. In summer the same, except without the 
hair. Their shoes and leggings are sewed together, the latter reaching 

upward to the middle and be- 
ing supported by a belt, under 
which a small piece of leather 
is drawn, the ends of which fall 
down both before and behind. 
In the shoes they put the hair 
of the moose or reindeer with 
additional pieces of leather as 
socks. The shirt or coat when 
girted around the waist reaches 
to the middle of the thigh, and 
the mittens are sewed to the 
sleeves or are suspended by 
strings from the shoulders. A 
ruff or tippet surrounds the 
neck, and the skin of the head 
of the deer forms a curious cap. 
A robe made of several deer or fawn skins sewed together covered the 
whole. This dress is worn single or double, but always in winter the 
hair within and without. The dress of the women differs little from 
that of the men. 1 The U. S. National Museum, through the kindness 

Fig. 57. 



Cat. No. 1336, U. S. N. M Collected by C. P. GautleL 

1 "Mackenzie's Voyages," pp. cxv and 120-122. 

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of E. MacFarlane, B. R. Boss, Robert Kennicott, C. P. Gaudet, and 
others, possesses a number of rare specimens of this shoe, stocking 
and long legging all in one piece, made of excellent tawed caribou 
skin and richly decorated with beadwork. 

The Carriers (Athapascans) of Stuart Lake, British Columbia, origi- 
nally wore a moccasin of elk skin (Cervus canadensis). But the poorer 
classes made shoes of untauued marmot skin, or even of the skin of 
the salmon. They are now of dressed caribou or of moose skin among 
the Carrier and the Tse'k^hne and of deerskin among the Tsilkoh'tin. 

These tribes went barefooted in rainy weather, the women and chil- 
dren still adhering to the custom. No Carrier would now undertake a 
journey without the traditional moccasins. 1 

The Nascopi Indians of Labrador, contiguous to the Eskimos, have 

Fig. 58. 


From a figure in Turner'* " Ethnology of the Ungnvu DiMrict, HuiUon Bay Territory," Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau of 


Cut. No. 90068, U. 9. N. M. 

been studied by Lucien M.Turner, who sent to the IT. S. National Museum 
examples No. 00002 and 90063. According to Mr. Turner the deer- 
skin moccasin is thus constructed: "The footing is cut out first iu the 
shape of a parallelogram ; the edges are then turned up and creases 
made around the part that covers the front of the foot. The puckers 
are held in position by a stout sinew thread run through each one and 
around from side to side to prevent their < bagging' over the toes. 
The sides of the footing and the heel are not creased, as the heel seam 
takes up the slack." The heel seam is T-shaped, the horizontal por- 
tion resting on the ground. In the example figured by Turner there 
is no "trailer." At the tip of the toe there is, contrary to Athapascan 
fashion, a T-shaped seam also (fig. 58). This mark has a curious distri- 
bution and may be of little account. The tongue or upper is sewed to 
the edges of the creases on the sole or bottom portion, but between 
the upper and the sole oftentimes a narrow welt or piping of skin or 

•A. G. Morice, "Notes on the Western D^iitfs," Trans. Canadian Inst., iv, p. 163. 

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cloth is inserted. The superfluous edges of the sole are then trimmed 
oft" and the gaiter top is sewed on. This is a long, narrow strip of 
inferior skiu of sufficient size to overlap in front and come well above 
the ankles. 

Just below or at the margin of the top a long thong of reindeer hide 
is inserted through several holes, which allows it to pass around the 
heel and below the ankles, bringiug the ends in front over the tongue. 
One end of the top is carefully laid over the other and wrapped round 
by the ends of the thong. 

Certain portions of the hide make better foot wear than others. The 
neck is too thick and stiff to crease, but is useful for tongues; the flanks 
are too thin. The sides of the hide are useful for bottoms; the flanks 
and back, scarred by grubs, serve for tops and strings. 

For wear about the tent the gaiter top is omitted and a slipper moc- 
casin worn, which is held on the foot by means of a drawstring. This 
low form is adopted largely among the Canadian white population. 

A single deerskin will make five to seven pairs of moccasins for an 
adult, and as they last but two or three weeks as many as fifteen to 
twenty- five pairs are necessary for each. 

The Nascopi are of the Algonquian family, and the chief character- 
istics of their moccasins may be expected in all the tribes of the United 
States east of the Mississippi and north of the thirty-fifth parallel. 

The moccasin of the Iroquois, ah ta qua o weh, was made of deer- 
skin. In the modern moccasin the front part is worked with porcupine 
quills, after the ancient fashion, while the lapel which falls down upon 
the sides is embroidered with bead work, according to the present taste. 

The legging, giseha, which was fastened above the knee and descended 
upon the moccasin, was also made originally of deerskin and ornamented 
with quill work upon the bottom and side, the embroidered edge being 
worn in front. In later times red broadcloth, embroidered with bead- 
work, has been substituted for deerskin in most cases. Much ingenuity 
and taste were displayed in the designs and in the execution of the work 
upon this article of apparel. The warrior might well be proud of this 
part of his costume. 1 

Of the tribes west of the Mississippi, Carver says that the shoes of 
the Naudowessies are made of the skin of the deer, elk, or buffalo; 
these, after being sometimes dressed according to the European man- 
ner, at others with the hair remaining on them, are cut into shoes and 
fashioned so as to be easy to the feet and convenient for walking. The 
edges round the ankle are decorated with pieces of brass or tin fixed 
around leather strings about an inch long, which being placed very 
^ thick, make a cheerful tinkling noise either when they walk or dance. 2 
In point of fact during the good old days of the buffalo the Sioux 
moccasin of the trail and the hunt was chiefly of buffalo hide. The 


'Lewis H. Morgan, "League of tbe Iroquois," 1851, pp. 263-265. 
8 Carver, "Three Years' Travels," Philadelphia, 1796, p. 146. 

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large proportion of Indian foot gear exposed for sale in the last few 
years have been made by the women of this stock. A full set from any 
one tribe includes very many designs. There seems to have been no 
collector who gave attention to completing such sets. The U. S. 
National Museum is rich in Sioux material, but has nothing near a 
perfect series from any Sioux tribe. 

Example No. 8535 is a modern Sioux moccasin, consisting of a sole 
of rawhide and upper of dressed buffalo hide all in one piece, the only 
seam being at the back. The sole is a piece of an old pemmicau case, 
showing the paintings in green and red, attached to the upper by whip- 
ping along its margin so as to leave the lower half of the margin pro- 
jecting downward and raise the upper above the ground. The tongue is 
a separate piece. The ornamentation consists of a tribal symbol in blue, 
green, yellow, red, and white beads sewed on separately. A lacing 
of buckskin thong passes through slashes around the heel and ties in 
front of the instep. The trailer is two strings close together, about 
an inch and a quarter long. Length, 10 inches. Collected by S. M. 
Horton, U. S. A. 

Example No. 152855 is a pair of moccasins belonging to the Kiowa 
Indians and collected by James Mooney, of the Bureau of Ethnology. 
The uppers are of soft leather, dyed blue, and ornamented with bead- 
work and cut fringe. The fringe is a marked character on the Kiowa 
moccasin. The sole is of hard rawhide sewed on with sinew. Mr. 
Mooney says that the tongue in the moccasin, and the long, fringed 
trailer are worn by both Kiowa and Comanche (Shoshonean stock). 

Example No. 165811 is an Arapahoe moccasin, consisting of a separate 
sole of rawhide, cut from an old parfleche case, and an upper made of 
a single piece of buckskin. The manner of attaching the upper to the 
sole should be observed : The margin of the thick sole is split for a little 
way all around, aud the margin of the buckskin upper is attached to that 
portion of the border of the sole that is above by whipping; in this way 
the stitching does not come in contact with the ground, but the sole 
stands off as in a regular shoe; in fact, by splitting the margin of the 
sole the Arapahoe Indian woman has provided herself with a quasi 
welt. This same process of splitting and sewing is shown in an inter- 
esting manner in a California shoe figured in the report of the Ray 
collection. The only seam that appears in the upper part of the shoe 
is at the heel, from the bottom of which extend two long trailing 
strings close together. The lacing is of rawhide thong passing through 
slashes between heel and ankle. The tongue of the moccasin is sewed 
on separately, aud for ornament there are three rays of blue, red, 
yellow, and white beads. Length, 10 inches. Collected by James 
Mooney. Compare the Sioux example, No. 8535, above described. 

Lieutenant Abert, U. S. A., describes the Cheyenne moccasin as made 
of buffalo hide dressed without the hair, the fronts ornamented with 
beadwork. This moccasin has only one seam; that is on the outer side 


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of the foot, the material being doubled over and made to fit. But it will 
be seen that this style of seaming is in use with the Nez Perce and the 
Shoshone. The inside line is perfectly straight, as among the Omahas 
and some Poncas. Another style is of antelope skin and has trailers 
attached to the heel. Abert says that these are worn by horsemen 
and that the Cheyennes believe the trailer to be a protection from the 

Examples 6987 and 6988 are buckskin moccasins made in one piece, 
cut out so that the seams extend down the back of the heel and over 
the top of the foot, with puckeriug. This form of moccasin is peculiar 
to the Caddo of Texas. Collected by Edward Palmer. 

Frequent reference is made in this j?aper to the " trailer," or bi n -be- 
ga-ceg-che, of the Sioux. It consists of one or more little rawhide 
strings about an inch long trailing behind the heel of a certain type of 
Indian moccasin. When the woman cuts out the skin for the shoe she 
leaves hanging on the edge of that part which forms the horizontal 
seam at the bottom of the heel the little tags, strings, or tassels that 
will form the trailer. Each tribe had a different number and order of 
this part, so that a good scout is said to have been able to tell the tribe 
to which an Indian belonged by the mark of his trailer in the snow. 
Mr. Dorsey once told the writer that the Omahas had a habit of omit- 
ting or disguising the trailer as a part of their strategy in war. For 
many examples of the low, beaded moccasin of the East, Catlin's and 
other works should be consulted. 

Turning away from the Atlantic to the Pacific drainage, it will be 
necessary to commence at Mount St. Elias. The Kwakiutl and other 
tribes of the British Columbia coast go barefooted the year round, 
according to Boas. This might be declared of all primitive maritime 
peoples in regions where the want of warmth did not stimulate the 
invention of waterproof foot gear. In maritime Europe the sabot lifts 
the foot above the wet sand and mud. This maritime or barefooted 
region stretches from Mount St. Elias to the Columbia River. It is the 
home of the Koluschan, Skittagetan, Chimmesyan, Wakashan, and 
coast Salishan families ; the route of the Pacific gulf stream ; the region 
of abundant sea food and great forests; the culture region of the great 
dugout canoes. 

Example No. 20797 (fig. 59) is a moccasin from Sitka, consisting of 
three pieces — the footing, the vamp, and the leg piece. The sole is prob- 
ably of soft elkskin cut into long rectaugular form and rounded in 
front. In the rear two wedge-shaped gores are cut out at the corners, 
leaving a right trapezoid extending as in a dovetail. When the two 
edges of the rear are brought together they are doubled so as to form 
a T-shaped seam and the trapezoidal piece extends outward to form the 
trailer of the shoe. The horizontal seam of the T provides for the flat 
sole, and the vertical part provides for the extension of the material 
well up around the heel and the front of the foot as in an ordinary 

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slipper. The front of this shoe is gathered and puckered so as to cover 
the ends of the toes and the margin of the foot. The vamp or back 
piece is sewed to the margin of the footing and extends well upward on 
the leg; the seam connecting this with the sole, and also the two 
edges of the sole in the rear, have inserted between them a narrow 
piece of buckskin acting as a piping. The heel portion of the leg is 
whipped on to the upper margin of the sole in such a way that a small 
portion of it extends below the seam like a lapel. The vamp and the 
heel piece extending well up on the leg are wrapped around it and held 
in place by cord or some kind of a garter. Length, 10£ inches. Col- 
lected by J. G. Swan. 

Example No. 23854 is a pair of moccasins said to have been worn by 
a Nez Perc6 Indian, consisting of two x>arts; that which covers the 
foot and a short legging around the ankle. The body of the shoe is 

made of a single piece of 
hide cut out like the finger 
of a glove, sewed around 
the toe and along the outer 
margin of the foot to the 
heel where the two edges 
of the rear end of the pat- 
tern are sewed together to 
form the upright portion 
of the heel and also a hori- 
zontal seam with trailers 
at least 1J inches apart. 
The upper border or leg- 
ging is sewed on to the 
upper margin of the shoe, 
— and a portion of the leather 

Fig 59 - of the shoe extends back- 


Cat. No. 2079:. IJ. S. N. M. Collected by J. G. Sw»n. . 

The top of the foot is orna- 
mented with beadwork in white, black, and blue beads. Around the 
ankle is a strip of red flannel ornamented with blue and white beads. 
The strings are formed of buckskin thong. The formation of this shoe 
should be especially observed, as it differs from those in the regions 
about in the manner in which the seam is carried around from heel 
to great toe. Length, 10 inches. Collected by J. B. Monteith. 

Example No. 673 is a pair of shoes from the Chinook Indians at the 
mouth of the Columbia River. This shoe consists of three parts — 
the sole, the upper, and the legging. The sole is of thick rawhide 
and sewed on to the upper by a series of blind stitches, just as in a 
modern, cheap slipper or eastern moccasin. The upper is of buckskin 
and lias only one seam at the back. At the lower end of this seam is 
a trailer, in which a single rawhide string, one-eighth of an inch wide, is 

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supplied nearly all the way. The upper is extended into a long tongue, 
passing to the top of the legging. The legging is a band of buckskin 
about 4 inches wide, sewed to the top of the upper. The shoe string 
passes through slashes in the upper on either side of the heel, and at 
the instep as in the Athapascan and after passing once or twice around 
the ankle, is tied in front. They are ornamented by beadwork in red, 
white, green, blue, and pink beads. The designs are entirely European. 
They are rights and lefts. Length, 9£ inches; height, 7 inches. Col- 
lected by George Gibbs. 

The moccasin of the Shoshone is of the deer, elk, or buffalo skin, 
dressed without the hair, though in winter they use the buffalo skin 
with the hair side inward, as do most of 
the Indians who inhabit the buffalo coun- 
try. Like the Kez Perc6 moccasin, it is 
made with a single seam on the outer mar- 
gin and sewed up behind, an opening be- 
ing left at the instep to admit the foot. 
It is variously ornamented with figures 
wrought with porcupine quills, and some- 
times the youug men most fond of dress 
cover it with the skin of a polecat and 
trail at their heels the tail of the animal. 1 

Example No. 165147 is a Shoshone moc- 
casin, from Wyoming, made of smoked 
deerskin. As described by Lewis and 
Clarke, this specimen, collected by James 
Mooney, is all in one piece, with the seam 
at the side, instead of having a separate 
sole like the moccasins of the prairie tribes. 
Example 165148 from the same tribe has 
the T-shaped seam on the toe. Example 
22018 is a buckskin moccasin made in one 
piece cut out so that the seam extends 
down the back of the heel and around the 
outer margin of the foot quite around the 
toes. The edges are sewed together with a piping in the seam. Short 
tongue sewed on as in a modern slipper, lacing through slashes about 
the heel. Long trailers from seam, and short ones from horizontal seam 
of the heel. Length, 9£ inches. Wind River Utes, collected by Major 
J. W. Powell. 

The shoes of the Hupa (Western Athapascan) and of the other 
Indians of northern California are made high like gaiters and are cut 
from a single piece of buckskin sewed up at the back rather carelessly 
by a buckskin cord, as in basting. Down the instep a curious seam is 
formed as follows (fig. 60): The two edges of the leather are slightly 

•"History of the Lewis and Clarke Expedition/' 1893, n, New York, pp. 5W-568. 
H. Mis. 90, pt. 2 23 

Fig. 60. 


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split. They are then brought together as in joining the edges of 
a carpet. A loose cord of sinew is laid along the two edges and a 
whipped stitching of sinew made to join the two inner margins of 
the edges of the buckskin, inclosing at the same time the loose cord of 

When the shoe is rounded out, the two outer margins of the leather 
come together on the outside of the shoe and conceal the sewing alto- 
gether. A coarse sandal of the thick portion of the elk hide or of twined 
mattiug is worn by some tribes (fig. CI), and also a nicely woven leg- 
ging of soft basketry. The latter, however, belong to full or ceremo- 
nial dress. 1 

Example No. 24079 (fig. 62) is a sandal of rushes worn by the Klamath 
Indians of northern California (Lutuamian family), collected by L. S. 
Dyar. It is only half finished, and shows the method of construction. 

Fig. 61. 

Cat. Nob. «U37 and 79197, V. S. N. M. Ctlerted by Stephen Power* and CapL P. 11. Ray, U. S. A. 

The foundation is laid on eleven twine warp strauds, as in the Japanese 
sandal of thread, spreading apart toward the toes. The weft, however, 
is in twined weaviug, and the work is carried up to cover the toes as 
in a light slipper, as will be seen on Korean and Chinese examples. 
Along the margin of the sole loops have been left, as in the Asiatic spe- 
cimens figured and described. 2 Especial notice must be taken of this 
specimen occurring in northern California because it is the first intima- 
tiou at the north of the sandal, which will a little later on usurp the 
place of the moccasin. 

Example No. 9549 (fig. 63) is a pair of Navajo moccasins from New 
Mexico (Southern Athapascan), consisting of three parts — sole, vamp, 
and heel. The sole is of rawhide turned up in front of the great toe 
and about the foot for a half inch or more around the entire margin. 

'Mason, "The Ray Collection from Hupa Reservation," Rep. Smithsonian Inst., 
1886, p. 210. 
2 Ibid, pi. VI. 

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Tbe vainp is of brown deerskin, or smoke-cured deerskin, very neatly 
sewed to the margin of tbe rawhide sole all the way around, and the 
stitches are all finely puckered. This work is suggestive of the Eskimo 
shoemaker. The heel (or what is commonly called the quarters and 
legging) consists of a broad strip of buckskin attached to the sole back 
of the arch of the foot, having a long, wide flap which passes from the 
inner side of the foot across the instep, and is buttoned at the ankle on 
the outside. No. 9550 (fig. 64) is of the same character, excepting the 
quarter piece is fastened with a thong rather than with buttons. 
Length, 10 inches. Collected by E. Palmer. 

It is worth noticing, in passing, that the 
gaiter tops of the Navajo, who are Athapas 
can, is here modified to a modern style, and 
that the soles are of such primitive fashion 
that they may be said to stand for the first 
of ail rawhide foot wear. The Apache boot, 
as a protection against the thorny plants of 
their desert country, resembles the classical 
endromis, figured in the third edition of 
Smith's Dictionary. But it is after all the 
Athapascan legging and moccasin, combined 
with the addition of a rawhide sole having a 
broad point turned up in front. Now, the 
Apache is also an Athapascan. The long 
seam down the inside of the leg is made by 
turning one margin down for half an inch, 
laying the other margin against the crease 
and whipping the doubled and the single 
edge together with sinew thread. For at- 
taching the upper to the sole the raw r edge of 
the former is doubled, the upper margin of 
the latter is beveled, the two are whipped 
together, and then the sole projects out- 
ward to conceal and protect the seam. 

The following types of moccasins may be 

1. Athapascan type, with gaiter or extension top. Footing of one 
piece, with seam at the heel and straight up the back or top of the foot 
to an ornamental tongue piece. The extension top is sewed to the 
footing so as to extend downward in a curtain to conceal the lacing. 

2. Tlingit type, like the Athapascan, but without seam in front, the 
tongue piece covering almost entirely the back of the foot. Top not 
extending downward to cover the lacing. Trailers are present. 

3. Algonquian type, very similar to the Athapascan, but having a 
cross seam in front of the toes, meeting the seam from the front of the 
tongue piece. These three forms merge into the Eskimo at the north 
and the low moccasins at the south. 

Fig. 62. 


Cat. N... 24079. I'. S. N. M. Collected liy CapL 
T. H. Hay, U. S. A. 

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4. Iroquoian pattern. Footing slipper like, witli lapels at the side; 
embroidered. The tongue piece is set into the puckered border of the 
footing. In modern examples linings are introduced. 

5. Siouan pattern. In recent times with rawhide sole, beaded top, 
and lapels. The Shoshonean variety of this type has a seam from the 
heel around the outer margin of the foot, quite to the inside of the 
great toe, and this was doubtless the earlier Siouan form. Frequently 
heavy buckskin fringes adorn the heel seam and the top of the foot. 

6. Desert type. Found in 
the Great Interior Basin 
from Utah to Mexico; charac- 
terized by a heavy rawhide 
sole turned up in a peculiar 
manner to protect the end of 
the great toe from thorns. 

7. The Caddoan type. 
Gaiter form, with straight 
seam all the way up the heel 
and entirely across the top or 
back of the foot, with seams 
often elegantly puckered on 
the toes. 

At this point it is neces- 
sary to make an abrupt stop 
on the borderland of the 
Spanish territory. Passing 
the moccasin, the student 
arrives at the laud of the 
sandal, just on the southern 
boundary of Colorado and 
Utah. Here he encounters 
two radically different types 
of sandal, the one now in 
common use throughout 
Latin America, having, as 
in Japan, a single toe string 
between the first and the second toe, and the older, aboriginal, and 
now quite disused type having a toe loop or two toe strings, one be- 
tween 1 and 2, the other between 3 and 4. Through the courtesy 
of Prof. F. W. Putnam, Mr. Marshall Saville, and Mr. Stewart Culin, 
I am able to extend the rather meager collection of the U. S. National 

Example No. 13013, Museum of the University of Pennsylvania, is 
a sandal from the cliff dwellings of Arizona. It consists of sole, 
lining, and lacing. The sole is in yucca leaves, diagonally woven or 
plaited six ply. On top of the sole is an insole or lining of corn husk. 

FigM. G3 and 64. 

Cat. Nob. 9549 and 95T«0, V. S. N. M. Collert.-l ».y K.lwnnl I'nlmer. 

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The lacing consists of a series of loops around the margin of the 
sole, through which a tie of yucca string passes, as in the Indian 
cradles and sleds. The heel loops pass from two of those before men- 
tioned around the heel and down to the sole under the ankle. (PI. 5, 
fig. 1.) Sandals from the Kentucky caves should be studied in this 

Example No. 12155ft, in the Peabody Museum, is a coarse sandal of 
yucca fiber, collected by Edward Palmer in an abandoned camp in 
Utah. It is in the form of an openwork slipper, made up of a fore-and- 
aft warp held in place by nine rows of cross-twined weaving at varying 
distances apart. The lacing is gathered into the outer margin of the 
sole. The Utes are adepts at the twined basketry, and in this example 
possibly have attempted to imitate a low shoe or moccasin after their 
own fashion. (PL 5, fig. 2.) 

Example No. 22192, in the U. S. National Museum, is a sandal from 
Yezo, worn by the Ainos, and here introduced for comparison with 
American examples, devoid of toe strings and fastened on entirely by 
lacing through loops on the side and heel loops. (PI. 5, fig. 3.) 

Example No. 12155c, in the Peabody Museum, is a sandal of yucca 
fiber found in an old Ute camp. It is much dilapidated, but shows 
elements of twined weaving, side loops, and cross lacing. Inside is 
stuffed an old rag, part of a knit stocking. (PI. 5, fig. 4.) 

In an old abandoned camp in southern Utah, in the cedar forests 
near Mount Trumbull, Edward Palmer found a number of Pah-Ute 
sandals which, by the kindness of Professor Putnam, I am privileged 
to describe. All of them are of yucca fiber, and are as coarsely made 
as sandals can be. Two of them, examples Nos. 12155a and 9439, are 
of Asiatic pattern, and two of them are in coarse-twined weaving. 
These will be better described. 

Example No. 20929, U. S. National Museum, is an old sandal from 
Utah, made of coarse yarn of yucca fiber, woven on a warp of two 
strands of the same material in figure of 8 pattern, the loose ends always 
left underneath. The toe strings that projected from the end of the 
sole are gone, and there is left of the lacing ouly the loop that encir- 
cled the heel. (PI. 6, fig. 1.) 

Example No. 12155a, in the Peabody Museum, is an extraordinary 
specimen. The double warp is the same as in fig. 4 of this plate, 
and so is the heel covering and overtoe lacing arrangement, but there 
is in addition a series of loops on the side between the toe and the 
ankle as in other sandals. We have here a combination sandal, all 
the elemeuts of which are to be seen in the Japanese types. (PI. 6, 
fig. 2.) 

Example No. 128173, U. S. National Museum, precisely similar to 
example No. 116211, figured and described on page 331 of this paper, 
is here introduced for comparison of the overtoe string, lugs on the 
sides, heel loops, and especially the wicker weaving. All loose ends 

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are in this shaved off on the bottom. This specimen was presented by 
the Japanese department of education. (PI. 6, fig. 3^ 

Example No. 9439, in the Peabody Museum, is a sandal from southern 
Utah, built after one of the Japanese patterns. A coarse bundle of 
yucca fiber 3 feet long is doubled in the middle, and on this as a warp 
the sole of the sandal is woven from other bundles in a figure of 8 
wickerwork, the coarse ends always appearing underneath. At the 
heel the fiber is wrapped around the bend of the warp. The sole is 9 
inches long. At the tip the two ends of the warp are tied in a single 
knot, the remainder serving as lacing. For heel and instep strap a 
bundle of twisted fiber 2 feet long is doubled in the middle back of the 
heel, the two ends drawn down and passed inside the warp strands 
beneath the ankle and are then brought up over the instep and tied. 
The lacing is attached to this, but passes over the toes instead of 
between them, just as in some Eastern examples. (PI. 6, fig. 4.) 

Example No. 22717, Peabody Museum, is a child's sandal from Aca- 
tita Cave, Goahuila, Mexico, made from unshredded yucca leaf. The 
warp is a leaf bent in the middle, the two ends projecting at the heel 
and shredded. The weft is a very coarse wicker of yucca leaf. The 
whole is bound together by a leaf brought up through the sole near the 
heel (a), down again near the toes (b), forward and up around the 
front, spliced through itself at b y under the sole and spliced through 
itself at a. The two toe strings have their front ends tied together in 
a square knot underneath, are spliced through the binding piece to go 
between toes 1 and 2, and 3 and 4, are attached to the margin under 
the ankle, and then pass up and around the heel in the usual manner. 
(PI. 7, fig. 1.) 

Example No. 45610a is a sandal from Mexico. It is built upon two 
yucca leaves bent double in front, the one overlying the other. In each, 
the under half is warp; the upper half is doubled down on top and used 
to strengthen the whole. The toe strings inclose 1 and 2, and 3 and 4, 
and do not cross on the back of the foot. Heel strap missing. (PI. 7, 
fig. 2.) 

Example No. 45610, U. S. National Museum, is a child's sandal from 
a cave near Silver City, N. Mex. It is in figure of 8, or wicker weaving 
on two-warp filaments. All lashing is absent. (PI. 7, fig. 3.) 

Example No. 22833, in the Peabody Museum, is an old sandal from 
Coyote Cave, Coahuila, Mexico. In this specimen the yucca warp is 
carelessly laid along and held together by means of cross sewing with 
the same material. On top of all a spliced wide leaf occurs, as in 
figs. 1 and 2. A neat two-ply cord forms the toe string, doubled in 
the middle, rove through the fabric near the front, so as to go between 
toes 1 and 2, and 3 and 4, back to the sides of the sole under the ankle, 
where the ends pass through the heel string and are fastened off with 
a single knot. The heel string is a very pretty piece of square plaiting, 
as in whip lashes. Its ends are attached to the ends of a separate twine 

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rove through the fabric of the sole, the latter being tied with the clove 
hitch. (PL 7, fig. 4.) 

Example No. 22850, Peabody Museum, is a sandal from a mummy in 
Coyote Cave, Coahuila, Mexico. This example shows very clearly the 
carelessly laid warp and the cross weaving and sewing, which are 
doubtless repairs of a much worn sandal. The toe string in this case 
is continuous, passing between 1 and 2, and 3 and 4, back through the 
sole; the ends make half hitches and are continued to form the heel 
string. (PL 7, fig. 5.) 

The sole of the cliff dweller's, the Utah man's, the New Mexican 
mound and cave man's sandal, as may be seen by the plate, is of vege- 
tal fiber, Indian hemp (Apocynum), yucca of many species, and hene 
quen, sisal, or agave (Ixtli). 

For the most part, they are rights and lefts, but not a few of them 
that are built on a warp are quadrilateral. 

In texture, they are either in corded weaving, with warp and weft 
variously treated; or if the material be coarser, they are in wicker- 
work, or they are plaited or woven diagonally, but one and all have a 
toe loop or string that pierces the sole in two places and passes up 
between toes 1 and 2, and 3 and 4. This forms the basis of a lacing, and 
is variously treated, but a description of the figures will make the 
matter perfectly plain. 

Example No. 13014 is from a cliff* dwelling in Arizona. The warp and 
weft are of a fiber strongly resembling that of Apocynum cannabinum. 
The weft is finely spun, laid close, colored in narrow stripes, and on the 
under side the meshes are caught into a continuous loop or coil of coarser 
thread, making that part more durable. At the front the projecting 
ends of the warp are concealed in a continuous braiding of a single 
thong of buckskin. Two perforations show where the toe loop came 
through. Unfortunately, this part is wanting, but the rest of the lacing 
down to the ankle loops and up over the heel, returning to the knot 
on the instep, make the whole treatment plain. (PL 8, fig. 1.) 

In the collection of Mrs. T. T. Childs, of Washington, is a sandal 
woven in wicker pattern from a two-ply twine of Apocynum. The 
heel strap and lacing are administered precisely as in fig. 1, but the 
loop in front of agave fiber, twined, seems to have included the first 
and second toes. This is an uncommon form of toe loop. The under 
side of this sandal also is worthy of study, for the weaver has tied 
single knots in her cord all around the under margin, and also at proper 
places under the heel and under the ball of the foot where the strain 
would come. This ingenious device stands for the hobnails in peasants' 
shoes of more advanced peoples. The selvage of the Childs specimen 
is formed by an ingenious turning in of the twines in the course of the 
weaving or plaiting. A woven heel also is somewhat turned up. 

^ample No. 13015 is from a cliff dwelling in Arizona and is perfect 
in its parts, which are four — the sole, the toe loop, the heel loop, 

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and the lacing. The sole is of yucca leaf ( Yucca angustifolia) woven or 
plaited diagonally, and needs no explanation. The toe loop is a sepa- 
rate part, gathered at its ends into the texture of the sole, and is double. 
The heel loop is precisely like it, caught into the margin under tie 
ankles and hooked over the heel. The lacing starts from the instep, 
and from this point makes three loops, to wit, about the toe string and 
about each side of the heel string, returning to the startiug point, where 
it is knotted. (PI. 8, fig. 2.) 

Example No. 45609 is of yucca fiber coarsely plaited, from a cave 
near Silver City, N. Mex. All the lacing above is in one continuous 
string, starting on the back of the toes, passing down through the sole, 
and up, where a single knot is tied. The long end then makes an 
excursion to the ankle loops and around the heel, coming back to the 
single knot over the toes, where an additional square knot is tied. The 
treatment at the heel can not be made out, owing to the torn condition 
of the specimen. (PI. 8, fig. 3.) 

Example No. 13016, from a cliff dwelling in Arizona, is of shredded 
yucca fiber. The under side shows the structure better. There is a 
warp of four ropes, and the weft is woven into this like wicker, all the 
loose ends being purposely left long on top to afford a soft bed for the 
foot. The great majority of Japanese straw sandals happen to be 
woven in precisely the same manner, only in Japan the loose ends are 
cut off underneath. All the lacing is gone from this splendid specimen 
save the well-defined toe loop. (PI. 8, fig. 4.) 

Example No. 22716 in the Peabody Museum is a sandal from Acatita 
Cave, Ooahuila, Mexico, an old and exceedingly interesting form. The 
thick sole is closely woven in twisted yucca fiber in checker pattern 
and the bottom is soaked in pitch or gum. There are two toe strings, 
knotted on top and passing between 1 and 2 and 3 and 4, crossed, per- 
haps, over the top of the foot, hitched into the sole at the margin b<elow 
the ankle and passing behind the heel. This should be compared "with 
example No. 10119. (PI. 9, fig. 1.) 

Example No. 22718 in the Peabody Museum is a substantial sandal 
from Acatita Cave, Ooahuila, Mexico, made of yucca fiber, and loaned 
by Professor Putnam. The underside is shown in the photograph. 
The structure is a little obscure, but there seems to be a mass of fiber 
felted, and sewed together with coarse yucca yarn, long stitches beneath 
and short stitches above, precisely as on the compound soles of the 
Orient. The border is strengthened by stitching all round. The speci- 
men is not ancient and may have been constructed under European 
motives. (PI. 9, fig. 2.) 

Example No. 22183 in the Peabody Museum is a sandal from Coyote 
Cave, Coahuila, Mexico, loaned by Professor Putnam. The outline i« 
that of a modern round-toed shoe. The fabric is of yucca fiber, the 
warp laid along loosely in wisps, little twisted, but the loose ends are 
all underneath. This warp is held in position by a continuous boustro- 
phedon twined weaviug of two-ply string in crooked rows from half an 

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1 2 

Sandals with Marginal Loops for Lacing. Cliff-dwellers of Arizona. 

Fig. 1 . Sandal of Yucca Fiber. Indole of corn husk and lacing of yucca strips. 
Lent by Mr. Stewart Culin. 

(Cat. No. 1.1013, Museum of the University of Pennsylvania. ) 

Fig. 2. Sandal from an Old Camp in Southern Utah. The warp is of shred- 
ded yucca fiber and the weft in twined weaving of the same material. 
(Cat. No. 12155 (b), Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass.) 

Fig. H. Sandal of Bast Fiber Woven in Wicker Pattern. Lacing of straw, 
twined. (To be compared with fig. 1.) Worn by the Ainos of Yezo. 
(Cat. No. 22192, U. S. N. M.) 

Fig. 4. Sandal from Southern Utah. This is similar to the specimen shown 
in fig. 2. Inside is a portion of a knit stocking in cotton j-arn. The 
lacing is the same as that shown in the other figures of the plate. The 
specimen was found in an abandoned camp. 

(Cat. No. 12155 («-\ Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass.) 

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Raportof National Museum, 1894.— Mason. PLATE 5. 

Sandals with Marginal Loops for Lacing. 

Ciiff-dwellers of Arizona. 

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Sandals with Overtoe Lacing. 

Fig. 1. Sandal of Shredded Yucca Fiber. Made on a warp of two strands. 
Southern Utah. 

(Cat. No. 2092», U. S. X. M. i 

Fig. 2. Sandal of Shredded Yucca Fiber. Based on a string of the same 
material doubled, the ends of which, drawn over the toes, serve as lacings 
through the loops along the margin. The loop over the heel is of the 
same material. 

(Cat. Xo. 12155 (a), Pealjody Museum, Cambridge, Mass.) 

Fig. tf. Japanese Sandal made of Straw. The foundation is a long twine of the 
same material, twice doubled, to form at its middle two loops extended 
at the heel and at its ends to constitute the lacing, which passes over 
the two toes, through the loops or lugs at the sides, through the heel 
loops and over the instep, where they are fastened. From the Japanese 
Department of Education. 
(Cat. Xo. 12817.J, U. S. X. M.) 

Fig. 4. Sandal of Shredded Yucca Fiber. This sandal is built up, like those 
shown in figures 1 and 2, by wicker weaving on a warp of coarse twine 
of the same material, the ends of which form the overtoe strings. After 
being laced around the heel they are tied over the instep. 
(Cat. Xo. 94Jfl>, Pealiody Museum, Cambridge, Mass.) 

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Report of National Museum, 1894.— Mason. PLATE 6. 


Sandals with Overtoe Lacing. 

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1 2 


!-- -! ■ - ■— ■ 

4 5 

Sandals with Double Toe-strings. 

Fig. 1. Child's Sandal of Yucca Leaf. This sandal is based on a single leaf, 
doubled. The wicker weaving is held together bj* another leaf doubled 
and spliced over all longitudinally. A lacing of strips of yucca leaves 
passes between toes 1 and 2, and 3 and 4. The heel band is missing. 
From Acatita Cave, Coahuila, Mexico. 
(Cat. No. 22717, IT. 8.N.M.) 

Fig. 2. Child's Sandal. This specimen is of similar construction to that shown 
in fig. 1, but is much worn. No lacing is shown. Mexico. 

(Cat. No. 45610 (a), C.S.N.M. ) 

Fig. X. Child's Sandal. This specimen is from a cave near Silver City, New 
Mexico, and is of the same material and construction as the specimen 
shown in the preceding figure. 

(Cat. No. 45610, IT. S. N. M. ) 

Fig. 4. Sandal of Shredded Yucca Fiber. The specimen is similar in original 
design to fig. 1 in warp, weft, and spliced binding, but it has been much 
worn and repaired. The lacing is of fine twine and braiding. It consists 
of the toe strings between 1 and 2, and 3 and 4. The heel strings are of 
braid, and the ankle strings of the same material. All of these are 
attached to one another just below the ankles. From Coyote Cave, 
Coahuila, Mexico. 

(Cat. No. 22833, Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass. » 

Fig. 5. Sandal from a Mummy. Constructed precisely like the specimen shown 
in fig. 4, and found in the same cave. 

(Cat. No. 22850. Pealxxly Museum, Cambridge, Mass,) 

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Report of National Museum, 1894- Mason. PLATE 7. 

Sandals with Double Toe-strings. 

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Sandals with Strings inclosing Second and Third Toes. 

Fig. 1. Sandal Made of Indian Hemp. The si>ecirnen is closely woven after 
the pattern of California basketry. The toe string is missing. The 
heel string and lacings on top of the foot show the method of adminis- 
tration. From a cliff-dwelling of Arizona. Lent by Mr. Stewart Cnlin. 
(Cut. No. l.'VIU. MtiMMim of the University of Pennsylvania.) 

Fig. ,\ Sandals of Yucva Leaf in Diagonal Weaving. Toe string, heel 
string and lacing of the same material and in the same pattern as fig. 1. 
From a cliff-dwelling of Arizona. Lent by Mr. Stewart Culin. 

i Cut. No. 13015, Museum of the University <»f Pennsylvania. » 

Fig. :*. Sandal of Coarse Yicca Fiber in Diagonal Weaving. Toe string, 
heel string, and lacing of the same material. 
( Cat. No. 45009. U. S. N. M. t 

Fig. 4. Sandal of Shredded Yicca Fiber. Wicker weaving based on a warp 
of four ropes, the shredded ends on top; toe string, of double twine; 
heel string and lacing missing. From a cliff-dwelling of Arizona. 
Lent by Mr. Stewart Culin. 

(Cat. No. 13016, Museum of the University of Pennsylvania.) 

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ffoport of National Museum, 1894.— Mason. PLATE 8. 

Sandals with Strings inclosing Second and Third Toes. 

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I" T ' " T 

. ! 

' 4 r> 

Ancient and Modern Sandals From Mexico. 

Fig. 1. Sandal of Yucca Fiber. Checker weaving, double toe string. From 
Acatita Cave, Coahuila, Mexico. Collected by Edward Palmer. 

(Cat. No. 2271*1, Pea>w>dy Museum, Cambridge, MawO 

Fig. 2. Sandal of Shredded Yucca Fiber. Woven so as to leave a portion of 
the long pile on top. Perforations for double toe string. From Acatita 
Cave, Coahuila, Mexico. Collected by Edward Palmer, 
i Cat. N>. 22718, Pwilxxly Museum. Cambridge, Mass.) 

Fig. a. Sandal of Shredded Yucca Fiber in Twined Weaving. This sandal 
is made in the shape of the foot and has a double toe string. From 
Coyote Cave, Coahuila, Mexico. Collected by Edward Palmer. 

i Cat. No. 22X13, Pealxxly Museum, Cambridge, Mass.) 

Fig. 4. Modern Sandal of Bast Fiber. Plain weaving, with double toe string 
crossing over the back of the foot, fastened to the ankle string on either 
side beneath the ankles and looped over the heel. Worn by the Mohave 
( Yuinan) Indians, Arizona. Collected by Edward Palmer. 

<Cat. No. 10119, Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass. > 

Fig. •*). Typical Leather Sandal. European pattern, with single toe string. 
Worn by Indians of Coahuila, Mexico. Collected by Edward Palmer. 

(Cat. N«>. 22803, Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass.) 

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Report of National Mu*«um, 1894.— Mason. PLATE 9. 

Ancient and Modern Sandals from Mexico. 

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inch to an inch apart. The border is further strengthened by sewing 
all round with a yarn of yucca fiber. The sandal is nearly worn out, 
and the toe strings have been set back as though for a smaller foot. 
Enough of the lacing remains to show that two toe strings passed 
between 1 and 2 and 3 and 4. (PL 9, fig. 3.) 

Example No. 10119 of the Peabody Museum is a quadrilateral sandal 
of the Mohave Indians, Yumau stock, in southwestern Arizona, loaned 
by Professor Putnam. The sole is a coarse example of checker weav- 
ing in strips of cottonwood bark. The warp consists of a series of 
strips doubled at the toe, so that all ends project at the heel. In finish- 
ing off these are turned up and folded on top where they are held in 
place by whipping. The whole lacing is of one strip of bast, doubled 
in the middle, which is beneath the sole at the toes. The ends are 
brought up through two holes in front to inclose toes 1 and 2, and 3 and 
4, crossed over the top of the foot, rove through the margin of the sole 
under the ankle and then twisted onto the other to make a heel band. 
In older forms farther south the toe-strings do not cross on the top of 
the foot. (PL 9, fig. 4.) 

Example No. 22863 in the Peabody Museum is a rawhide sandal from 
Coahuila, Mexico, consisting of two parts: (1) A simple flat sole with a 
hole in front for the toe string and two gashes under the ankle for the 
lacing; (2) the lacing, a strap half an inch wide, knotted underneath the 
sole, passing up for a toe string over the foot and down to the gash 
under the outside of the ankle, making a half hitch there, passing 
around the heel to the gash on the inner side and making a half hitch, 
and thence up to the instep, where it is tied. Collected by Edward 
Palmer in 1880. (PL 9, fig. 5.) 

If the reader will consult the illustrated works of Charnay, Maudslay, 
Schmidt, and the earlier travelers to Mexico and Central America, he 
will find that in every case where the artist has not erred, there are two 
toe-strings or a loop between toes 1 and 2, aud 3 and 4. Imagine the 
knot in the third figure of my plate to be drawn further up toward the 
instep on the back* of the foot, and the thing is done. Mr. Alfred P. 
Maudslay writes that in all cases the strings pass between toes 1 aud 
2, and 3 and 4. In the codices, the sandal on the feet of the men is 
not easily made out. The sole seems to recede and to leave the toes 
free, but in no case is the single-toe-string visible. 

Example No. 41828 (fig. 65) is a shoe worn by the Wolpi Indians of 
northeast Arizona (Hopi or Moki pueblos). The sole is dish shaped, 
well turned up around the foot. The upper is sewed to this, and is 
wrapped around the ankle precisely as in the modern " uppers" or 
false gaiter tops. This gaiter top is made fast by knots at three sepa- 
rate points, and, in addition, a thong passes about the heel through 
lugs or loops on the sole just in front of the arch of the foot, and is 
tied over the instep. At once the similarity will be noted between 
this example and those from the Navajo encamped in the same region. 

Example No. 68657 is a shoe from the Zuni pueblo, New Mexico, col- 

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lected by J. W. Powell, Director of the Bureau of Ethnology. It is 
made from the fronds of the Spanish bayonet {Yucca data) split and 
woven diagonally. As this form of moccasin is not common in the 
region and is unique in the national collection, it stands for an innova- 
tion by the Zufii in imitation of modern shoes. Length, 8.J inches; 
height, 6 inches. A very similar form is example No. 70999, from the 
Mold or Tlopi pueblo in northeastern Arizona. Indeed, these seven 
towns have preserved to us all the types of basket weaving in the 
United States. 

In seeking to trace the southern limit of the moccasin or shoe, as 
against a plain sandal, it is well to remember Vaca's saying that the 

Pueblo Indians also woreshoes. 
He had not mentioned the shoe 
before and was surprised at 
their appearance, so it is evi- 
dent that from Florida to west- 
ern Texas people went bare- 
footed. The cactus desert may 
account for the change. 1 

The Papago and other Yuman 
tribes in southwestern Arizona 
and in northwestern Sonora 
are sandal wearers now, and 
their foot-gear is akin to that 

Fig. 65. ° 

M<MXA 8 ,N OK WOL1-, fUKBU. .N...ANS, ARWHU. ° f tbe S ° Ut1 ' *" A ° f S P ai »- E * 

From it figure m the Sci-on.l Annual R.-p«.rt of th»* Bureau ol Ethnology. ample NO. 174450 (fig. 66) iS 
C,u No 41**, U. 8. N. M. one of hftlf a dozen pair8 ^ 

lected by W J McGee, of the Bureau of Ethnology, and may be thus 
described : 

(1) Soles of cow rawhide, hair beneath, pointiug indifferently; rights 
and lefts, cut around the foot. 

(2) Pierced for toe striug and slit in two places below the ankles for 
the ankle strap, as in a skate. 

(3) Toe string buttoned under the sole by a ratchet produced by 
leaving a portion of hide to be turned down. The other end of the 
toe string is slit and provided with loose toggle. 

(4) Ankle strap, a strip of hide with ends passing up through the 
slits. These are perforated for the fastening of the lashiug, which 
passes over the foot, through this ankle strap, behind the heel, through 
the other ankle strap and back to the toe string, where it is fastened 
off. The peculiar button or ratchet beneath the sole, to keep the ankle 
strap in position, is worthy of a cultured brain. 

Examples 19763 and 73001 are sandals of Diegefios and La Costa 
Indians, California. They are made of Agave deserti fiber woven in 
coarse filaments over a warp consisting of two strands of coarse twiue 

1 Davis, "Spanish Conquest of New Mexico/' p. 101. 

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of the same material. There are two loops at the heel and one loop at 
the ball of the foot passing from side to side over the top of the foot. 
The warp strands are tied together at the toe, drawn up over the foot 
under the loop back of the heel, then come in front and tie around the 
ankle. Length, 12 inches. Collected by Edward Palmer. 

One type of Mexican sandal sole has five points of attachment for 
the lacing — one between the toes, one on either side opposite the meta- 
tarsals, and one on either side under the heel. The lacing passes around 

Fig. 66. 


Cat. No. 174450, V. S. N. M. Collected by W J M< •««■*. 

the heel and below the instep across the front part of the foot, connect- 
ing with the five attachments above mentioned. This is very important 
in the study of the Mexican shoe. In the cliff dwellers and in the Klamath 
examples the side lacings also appear. 

Example No. 17698, in the Peabody Museum, is a pair of sandals from 
San Luis Potosi, Mexico, consisting of sole and lacing. The former is a 
strip of harness leather worn smooth side up. They, like most other 
Mexican specimens, are cut rights and lefts. There are three slashes 
along either margin, between the ball of the foot and the point beneath 

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the ankle. The lacing is a strap half an inch wide, looped into the 
front gash on the inside aud passing diagonally to 2 on the outside, 
to 2 on the inside, to 1 on the outside, to 3 on the inside, and around 
the heel. 

A sandal from Puebla, Mexico, has a sole of rawhide cut to fit the foot 
roughly, the margins of which are turned up. Along each side six 
good-sized holes are cut. Beginning at the front left-hand hole a strap 
one- fourth of an inch wide is woven backward and forward from margin 
to margin, passing under and over. The last three pairs of holes on each 
side are devoted to forming a heel by a system of half hitches. Pieces 
of soft leather slashed and woven onto the lacing protects the back of 
the foot and the heel. Length, 10£ inches. Collection of Mrs. Fannie 
B. Ward. 

Example No. 152732 is a pair of sandals from Colima, Mexico (fig. 67). 
These consist of a sole and upper lacing. The sole is a piece of tanned 
leather, cut somewhat in the shape of the foot. Five holes are pierced 

Fitf. 67. 

C:it. No. I5273S. U. S. N. M. Collected by Edward P»1iii.t. 

through each side margin of the sole for the lacing. The lacing con- 
sists of a continuous leather striug one-eighth of an inch wide, which is 
attached to one side of the sole, and is woven backward and forward 
through three pairs of holes in the margin of the sole, on the fourth 
round a half hitch is made and the string carried backward to form the 
heel, forward by a half hitch through the sole, aud then over the foot 
to the other side, where another half hitch is made, and another string, 
passed around the sole through a hole in the margin and back again, is 
fastened off in a pad on the top of the foot. The lacing at each excur- 
sion passes through three slits cut in a soft piece of leather, which lies 
between the foot and the lacing. This shoe should be compared with 
patterns in South America collected by Mrs. Fannie B. Ward. Length, 
9 inches. Collected by Edward Palmer. 

Example No. 30382, in the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, is a pair of 
sandals worn by the Maya of Yucatan, which are rights and lefts; sole 
double, with extra heel lift beneath; sewed together with single thong; 
lugs, or loops on the margin under the ankle. The tapering rope lacing 

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passes up between toes 1 and 2, aud then through the loop over the instep 
and heel as usual. Length, 9£ inches. These are modern and Latin 
American, doubtless. But Maudslay figures elegantly in Biologia Cen- 
tral Americana — Archaeology — statues of gods wearing sandals. In the 
photographs, so far as they can be made out, and in the lithographs, 
where the artist has followed the original, the double toe strap passes 
down between toes 1 and 2, 3 and 4, or 1 and 2, 2 and 3. 1 

In the American Museum of Natural History are two portions of jars 
showing the strap between toes 1 and 2, 4 and 5. One from Orizaba 
(No. 300) has the inclosed heel, shown on the Codices, with separate 
strings running between the toes to the ankle band. The other 
example (No. 207), from Guerero, is more complete. The leg is incased 
like a Zuui woman's; strings pass from this leg band down between 
the toes. An examination of any collec- 
tion of pottery from Middle America re- 
veals the fact at once, if the human foot 
is portrayed, that the single toe string 
was not anciently known. 2 

In one of the sculptured monoliths of 
Copan, figured by Dr. Julius Schmidt, 
the feet of the god are incased in sandals 
very much like those of the Codices, con- 
sisting of a sole and the quarters of a 
shoe without the vamp (fig. 68). In the 
monolith, however, the thong passes be- 
tween the first and the second toe. 3 In 
the succeeding monolith 4 the left toes 
are broken off, but the right limb pre- 
sents a square front view. The thong 
passes between the first and the second 
and the third and the fourth toe, and is 
apparently looped or concealed in a ring 
or horseshoe- shaped object, though this 
may be only an artist's flourish, the two 
ends approaching each other, turning 
outward and terminating in braids in which a loop is caught which 
descends from a highly ornate rosette in front of the ankle. Accord- 
ing to Meye's drawing, the sandal is uufastened by detaching the last- 
named loops from the braids on the ankle ring. The Eskimo fashion of 
attaching a similar device is to bring the upper loop under a ring 
and over a nail head or stud. Mr. Saville confirms these statements 
from original drawings. 

1 Cf. Part ii, pis. 34, 37, 45, aud 46, and Part iv, pis. 77, 79, and 82. 
9 Cf. Charnay, "Ancients Villes," p. 49, and elsewhere. 

3 Meye and Schmidt, " Stone Sculptures of Copan and Quirigua," New York, 1883, 
Dodd, Mead & Co., pi. m. 
4 Ibid, pi. in. 

Kig 68. 


nitfifturein M eye nnd Schmidt's " 
of Copan and Quingua 

tone St ulptures 

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In pi. iv of Meye and Schmidt's work the feet of the image are turned 
sidewise, and the sandals exhibit only the heels attached to the soles. 
The feet of the figure in pi. v are said in the description to be clothed 
in thick-soled shoes fastened with bows, but the appearance is of a 
moccasined foot resting on a sandal. The squatting figures in the suc- 
ceeding plates are barefooted and wear bandages of some kind about 
the ankle. PI. xin (fig. 19 b) shows a masked figure, wearing bands 
wrapped four times about the lower leg, suggesting the leggings of the 
pueblo women. In pi. xv, depicting a monolith in Quirigua, the feet are 
gorgeously covered, either with a shoe consisting of sole, vamp, and dec- 
orated quarters, or, in what would be more American, they are clothed 
in moccasins that rest on a heeled sandal. The thickness of the sole in 
these figures leaves one puzzled whether this feature is only a sculptor's 
decoration, but the heel band- is still worn in Moki dances. 1 

Mr. im Thurn says of the Guiana Indians that they make sandals from 
the leaf stalk of the (eta palm (Mauritia flexuosa), to be worn in travel- 
ing over stony ground. The string passes between the great toe and 

the next, and when the sandal is 
much worn the skin is made callous 
by the string. In a few hours the 
sandals are worn out and new ones 
cut from the nearest aeta palm. 2 Mr. 
im Thurn also speaks of the neat- 
ness with which they fit the foot. 
This form is of Spanish introduction. 
Fig 69> Fray Simon, speaking of the In- 

pKBuviAif ALPAuoATA ob sandal with BBAiDKD dians encountered on the Orinoco by 

Aguirre's party, says that they were 
naked, but had on the soles of their 
feet pieces of deerskin, fastened like the sandals worn in Peru or like 
those seen by him in the provinces of the Government of Venezuela. 3 
In Whymper's " Great Andes of the Equator," page 143, is a figure of 
a sandal, with sole of sennit sewed together, and the upper made 
of woven stuff (fig. 69). There probably would be no doubt in the mind 
of any student that this foot wear was actually made in Spain. The 
National Museum possesses a great number of examples of this peculiar 
type, and the following description of the Spanish example may be com- 
pared with the Whymper specimen. 4 

From a A«uce in Wbytnper'a "Great Amies of the Equator. 

1 Very great caution should be used in the practical interpretation of sculptors' 
and painters' costume and Implements. In Catlin's drawings aud paintings of moc- 
casins the very decorative features of the sandals on the statues here referred to are 
produced, though they have no existence in fact. 

2 " Indians of British Guiana," London, 1883, p. 195, quoted by Mason, in his work 
on the " Origins of Invention," Chapter x. 

3 Bollaert, Publications of the Hakluyt Society, 28, 1861, p. 105. 

4 For the sennit sole, cf. Wiener, " Pe>ou et Bolivie/' p. 680; also Keiss and 
Stiibel, " The Necropolis of Ancon," pi. 88, lig. 4. 

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The braided-sole sandal of Spain has in it some noteworthy charac- 
teristics. The sole nowadays is made of esparto grass, braided, coiled 
ingeniously to fit the bottom of the foot and sewed through with a stout 
twine of different material, the stitches being about half an inch apart. 
The heel and toe are the noteworthy parts. At a cursory glance these, 
when made of coarse material, resemble in their manipulation the twined 
weaving of savage and barbarous peoples, but the effect is produced 
by "darning." For instance, the heel cover is made up by forming a 
band of warp twines — that is, passing a series of twines backward and 
forward, catching them under the braided sole as the thrifty house- 
wife proceeds in Laying the foundation for darning a stocking. This is 
done with a long twine, which is afterwards made a quasi weft by sewing 
it across the band of warp twines, running between the strands of each 
one, but not in any regular manner. At olie excursion this cord extends 
entirely the length of the foot, pierces the band of cords across the toe, 
returns through them and then takes up its excursions through the heel 
band. In an example in the U. S. National Museum the heel is built 
up of a series of three-ply loosely twisted hemp cord. The embroidery 
of the weft pierces the warp twines so as always to leave one strand 
outside the heel and two strands inside, rendering the inside much 

There is a low side strip running between heel and toe on the outer 
upper margin of the sole made up of two or three rows of " button- 
hole stitches " or " half hitches," each row looped into the one beneath 
it. It may be a Spanish device, or at least a Latin American device, 
being found in the netted bags of Latin America everywhere. It also 
occurs in the fish baskets of Tierra del Fuego. Essentially it is coiled 
work, only the moving part, instead of running on by a coil, passes 
under or behind the standing part each time. In no other corner of 
aboriginal America outside the Latin area has the author seen any 
such work. The Fuegians, in addition to the endless chainwork of half 
hitches, use a continuous rod running through the links to give body 
to the basket. As mentioned elsewhere, a lacework effect is produced 
by passing the moving part two or more times about the standing 
part. This is also common from the Southern California Papago 
through Latin America to Peru. 

Reiss and Stiibel's gorgeous work on "The Necropolis of Ancon" is 
poor in figures of foot wear. In Volume I, " P£rou et Bolivie " pi. 25, fig. 
26 is the picture of a very interesting sandal of leather. On the margin 
of the sole on either side a flap is turned up and pierced for the laeing. 
This specimen should be compared with Assyrian and Somali forms and 
with the sandal of La Paz, Volume II, pi. 16, fig. 9. 

Whymper draws attention to a curious economic distinction in Ecua- 
dor, where the carriers u were paid in advance and had to be provided 
with shoes. Although natives of all sorts were continually met with 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



trudging barefoot along the roads, whenever one was hired, he found 
himself unable to walk without shoes." 1 

Wiener relates that the Indians who dwell on the high plateaus of 
South America, obliged to walk at times over the snow, are in the habit, 
when they skin a llama, to cut out a piece of the green hide, to fit it 
upon the foot and to keep it bandaged there during twenty-four hours 
or more to dry into shape and take the form of a low slipper. The wool 
is left on the outside. Mummies have been found wearing similar foot 
gear, the foot also enveloped in a sock-like cover. The Indians of the 
Ceno de Pasco preserve this custom. 2 

Example No. 127572, from Pachacamac, Peru, is a pair of sandals (fig. 
70) from a mummy. These are of a very simple pattern; each one con- 
sists of a single piece of rawhide of the llama. When the hide was in a 
wet or green condition it was stretched over the toe and up about the 
margin of the foot, slightly rising to a height of 2 inches. Back of 

the heel a series of 
slits were then cut 
all around the upper 
margin and a draw- 
ing string of rawhide 
passed through all 
of these slits, begin- 
ning at the left side 
of the heel, passing 
across to the right 
side, then around the 
margin through the 
holes, back across 
the heel and through 
the left side. The loose ends of this rawhide form the striug which 
passes around the instep, where it is tied or looped. Length, 9£ inches. 
Collected by W. E. Curtis. 

Wiener figures the following foot gear from Peru, partly industrial 
and partly ornamental (pi. 10): 

(1) Cord, metal ring, broidered stuff, about the ankles, said to pre- 
vent cramps and accidents. 

(2) Sole, with toe strap, joined with two straps passing in front of 
instep down to the border of the sole in front of the heel. 

(3) Toe strap, or cord, meeting cord passing around the instep, which 
is looped onto a heel cord. 

(4) From the border below the instep two loops extend, one about 
the heel, one over the lower instep. 

(5) Sandal of braided, in Maguey fiber, coiled like a chenille mat. 
(0) Regular sandals and slippers, European models. 



Cut. No. 127^72, I. S. N. M. Collected by William K. Curtis. 

» Wliyniper, " Great Andes of the Equator/' New York, 1892, p. 39. 
* Wiener, "Penrn et Bolivie." Paris, 1880, p. 679. 

Digitized by 


Digitized by VjOOQIC 


10 11 1*2 

Footwear From Peru. 

Fig. 1. Fringed Ankle Band. Embroidered material. Ancon. 

Fig. 2. Leather Sandal from Arica, Peru. Single toe strap, bifurcated on th^ 
back of the foot and attached to the margin of the sole half way back, 
as in Japanese specimens. 

Fig. tf. Sandal of Leather. Found at the foot of the Cerro de la Horca. Para- 
monga. Single toe string passing through a broad loop in each end of 
the heel band and fixed at the margin of the sole beneath the ankles. 

Fig. 4. Leather Sandal from Chimbote. Single toe strap bifurcated on the 
back of the foot. Attachments not shown. Rosette at the joining of 
the straps. 

Fig. 5. Leather Sandal from Santa. Sole held on by two loops fastened under 
the instep, one passing over the back of the foot, the other behind the 

Fig. 6. Sandal Found in the Arenal of Paramonoa. Single toe cord bifur- 
cating an inch or two from the toes and passing to the middle of the 
heel loop on either side. The extreme variation of this form is in the 
Mediterranean sandal, in which a band clasps the lower leg. the ankle 
strings are perpendicular, and the toe string is carried singly across the 
back of the foot to the leg band. 

Fig. 7. Sandal Found in the Necropolis at Gran-Chimu. The especial fea- 
tures are the absence of the toe-string, and the wrapping about the ankles 
of a series of straps attached to the margin of the sole at various points. 

Fig. s. Ornamental Sandal Found at Chancay. This sandal is of little use 
in travel, but is of the same general style as that shown in fig. 7, 

Fig. i>-12. Sandals from Cajamarca.Ca.jabamba. andViracochapampa. These 
specimens all have slashed tops. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Report of National Museum, 1894.— Mason. 

Plate 10. 

Footwear from Peru. 

From Wiener, " Perou et Bolivie. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



Fig. 71. 

Collection of Mrs. Fannie B. Want. 

In Mrs. Ward's collection from Bolivia is a sandal (tigs. 71 and 72) 
worthy of close study. The leather sole is double, and sewed or "run" 
together by means of leather thongs after the most approved Moham. 
medan style everywhere seen south and east of the Mediterranean. The 
toe strap is separate, 
passing up through 
the sole, keyed or tog- 
gled under the bottom 
and slit at the upper 
end for the passage of 
the thong. A " quar- 
ter " or arch strap just 
ben ea tli the ankles, 
gashed at each end, 
passes down through 
the sole at one margin 
and rises through the 
other side. The lac- 
ing of hide slit at one end at the toes passes back to tlie quarter 
strap, where it takes a half hitch about and through the slit. The 
lacing thence passes about the heel to the quarter strap on the other 
side, where it is fastened by another half hitch and thence is continued 
through the slit in the toe strap and is fastened off in the slit at the 

Bandelier sent to the American Museum, New York, four sandals 
from Arica, Peru, having rawhide soles slashed similarly and provided 

with looped short 
straps, gashed at the 
four ends for receiv- 
ing the lacing. 

In Mrs. Ward's 
collection there may 
be seen another 
type of sandal from 
Bolivia (fig. 73) in 
which there is no 
strap between the 
first and the second 
toe. On the other hand, the quarter or heel strap is repeated under- 
neath the ball of the foot, and its gashed ends come up over the toes 
as does a skate strap. The lashing is practically the same as in the 
last example. 

The Patagonians (Tehuelche stock) wear potro boots made of the skin 
stripped from the knee and hock of a horse or large puma not unlike 
the bottes sauvages of Canada mentioned on page 345; over these they 
H. Mis. 90, pt. 2 24 

Fig. 72. 

Collection of Mrs. Fannir B. Ward. 

Digitized by 




sometimes wear overshoes made of the skin from the hock of the 
guanaco. The footmarks made by them when thus shod would be 
abnormally large, which gave rise to the name Patagon, or big foot. 

Example No. 55860 
is a pair of man's 
shoes from Portugal. 
Uppers and soles are 
in one piece finished 
at the top with a 
softer leather; the 
upper border in front 
is puckered. The top 
is sewed together at 
theheel in a T-shaped 
seam, but the extra 
piece of leather is 
turned up inside. 
This shoe must be 
compared with the 
Eskimo shoes for the 
puckering, and with 
those of the interior 
Indians for the man- 
ner of joining the 
edges at the heel. 
The same style of foot 
wear made of very 
similar material, namely, thick uncolored hide, is in general use among 
the Canadian and New England lumbermen. The history of Portu- 
guese foot clothing is not well enough known to enable the student to 
decide whether this 
style was adopted 
from the American 
moccasin. The road 
would be a round 
about one, since the 
Portuguese in Amer- 
ica were very far 
away from the north- 
ern moccasin made 
all in one piece. 

Example No. 128009 
(fig. 74) is a wooden 
shoe from Minnesota {called sabot). It is made from poplar wood and is 
a typical example of the wooden shoe of northern and western Europe, 
especially in the Netherlands and Scandinavian countries. This example 

Fig. 73. 


Collection of Mr*. Fanni* B. Ward. 

Fig. 74. 

Cat. No. 12WXW, U. J*. N. M. Collated by Reuben Wri«ht. 

Digitized by 



was made and worn in Minnesota by a Dane. Excellent wood for these 
shoes is found throughout, the Mississippi Valley from the Gulf north- 
ward, and factories have been established for their manufacture, whence 
they are shipped to supply the European market. Length, 13 inches. 
Collected by Reuben Wright. The sabot in modern Europe has two or 
three motives of geographic expansion. In the Netherlands it lifts the 
foot above the wet ground. It is found in the countries where extremely 
light wood abounds. It is durable, and above all, in modern econom- 
ics it is cheap, a man being able to shoe his whole family a year for 
what it costs for a single pair of leather foot wear in one of our cosmo- 
politan cities. The antiquity of the sabot is difficult to trace. 

Sandals, Shoes, and Boots in the U. S. National Museum. 


43073 Sandals, Afghan type (p. 318). 

168052 Stilted clogs, toe string 

168876 | Sandals. Mandingo 

174689 Boots, red legs ' Kongo, Africa 

174767 Wooden sandals with toe pegs.... do 

Monrovia, Africa Hon. J. H. Smyth. 

Mandingo, Africa J. F. Cook. 

Angola, Africa . 

Colonization Society. 
Dorsey Mohan. 

151741 l Slippers, Portuguese , Angola, Africa Heli Chatelain. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Sandalm, SHOE6, and Boots in the U. S. National Museum — Continued. 



175213, 175214 

5500 ; 







76973, 76974 



76471 ' 





927 I 

5498 I 















, 150877, 150878 











Sandals, type* with toe string**. 

Shoes, yellow morocco 

Shoes, colored leather (p. 317) . . 

Yellow embroidered morocco slip 

Shoes, colored leather i Tunis 


Somali, Africa . . . 
Northern A frica . 

Slippers, slipshod 

Wooden clogs with toeband 

Sandals, type (p. 521) .. 

Lady's outer shoes 

Slippers or in shoes 

Red leather shoes, embroidered . . . 

Shoes, red morocco 


Half boots, children 

Half boots, yellow leather 

Shoes, worn over 76472 

Slippers. Damascus 

Outer shoes, types 

Shoes, types 

Slippers, types 


Slippers, yellow morocco 

Man's Turkish slippers 

Mud sandals, Cbirrok 

Shoes with nails, Koords 

Sandals, over toe string (fig. 41) 

Chaplies (p. 325) 

Shoes (p. 326) 

Woman's boots 

Boots, Chirrocks (p. 325) 

Child's boots 

Woman's boots, Pabboos (p. 325) . . 

Child's boots, Pabboos (p. 325) 


Slippers, types 

Wooden sandals with toe peg 

Wooden sandals 

Leather sandals (p. 326) 

Wooden sandals 

130640 ; Sandals (p. 315) 




Cairo, Egypt 











Kerkook, Kurdistan . 

Eastern Turkey 


Kashmir, India 


Eastern Turkestan . . . 

Leh, Ladakh 







Sandals (p. 325) do . 

Wooden sandals Ceylon . 

Grass shoes Malay . 

Wooden clogs Java . 



4826 I. 


Sandals, of cordyline (p. 314) . , 

Woman's shoes China. 

Shoes do 

New Zealand . 


.do . 

By whom contributed. 

Glenn Island Museum. 


Museum fiir Yolkerkiin- 

de, Leipzig. 
J. Vardeu. 

Mrs. E. S. Brinton. 

State Department. 
J. Varden. 
Otis Bigelow. 
Dr. G. W. Samson. 
State Department. 
Otis Bigelow. 
State Department. 



Mrs. E. S. Brinton. 
Charles Laszlo. 

J. Varden. 

Otis Bigelow. 
Isaac Y. Westervelf. 
Rev. A. H. Audrus. 

Daniel Phillips. 
W. L. Abbott. 






Pinkes Hanuka, 
Ed. Lovett. 
W. H. Daii. 

Burma Mission. 

State Department. 
Commission of Ceylon. 
World a Columbian Ex- 
Royal Gardens, Kew, 

Lieut. Wilkes, U.S. N. 
Lieut. Geo. T. Emmons, 

U. S. N. 

Digitized by 




Sandals, Shoes, and Boots in the U. S. National Museum — Continued. 




55847.55848 | 

55840 ! 
55830, 55831 





















77012, 77013 






Shoe* .. 

Shoes, small 

Shoes, woman's. 

Shoes, grass 

Fancy cloth shoes, men's. 




Amoy, China . 


Amoy, China . 

Shantung Province . 
Riang Su, China 

Shanghai, China 

Shantung, China 

Straw shoes, men's 

Shoes, velveteen Cheefoo, China . 

Cotton cloth shoes, men's do 

Felt shoes, men's I do 

Deerskin shoes ) do 

Cotton cloth boots do 

Deerskin boots, men's 

Cloth and velvet shoes 

Straw shoes, meu's 

Straw shoes, woman's 

"Wooden clogs, women's 

Sandals, men's 

Wooden shoes, men's 

Wooden shoes, boy's 

Leather shoes, men's i China 

Straw shoes, men's i do 

Hobnailed boots, men s ( Shanghai, China . . 

Hobnailed shoes, boy's i do 

Yellow leather hobnailed half do 

boots, man's. | 

Leather boots I do 

Leather boots, half do 

Straw shoes do 

Straw overshoes, woman's China 

Plantain leaf and straw shoes(p.328) do 

Straw sandals ' do 

Lady's shoes do 

Sandals, wicker (p. 327) Kansu, China 

Sandals, sennit (p. 328) j do 

Shoes China 

, .... do ' do 

Boots (pi. 2) Tibet 

Boots, felt | do 

Lama boot (p. 326) do 

Sandals do 

Leather boots do 

Velvet shoes, men's Manchuria, China 

Felt shoes, man's j do 

Boots and garters (fig. 42) Mongolia 

Shoes, grass SeonL Korea 

Shoes, rice straw do 

Shoes do 

Wooden shoes, men's do 

Blue felt shoes do 

Child's shoes do 

By whom contributed. 

J. Varden. 

Chinese Centennial Com- 
Hon. Horace Dane. 
Chinese Centennial Com- 
G. W. Robinson. 
Chinese Centennial Com- 

G. W. Robinson. 























State Department. 
W. W. Rockhill. 


Mrs. E. J. Stone. 
W. W. Rockhill. 







Ensign J. B. Bernadou. 






Digitized by 



Sandals, Shoes, and Booth in tiik U. S. National Museum — Continued. 

Mm son in 






73084, 73085 \ 

73091 ! 

73092 | 

167968, 167969 
167970 j 
73026 I 

2440,2441 ] 


























! .do 



Tokioand Yokohama. 



Child's sandals (p. 329) 

Shoes, man's 

Shoes, woman's 

Shoes, child's 

Sandals, child's 

Clogs, child's 

A ntelope-skin shoes 


Straw sandals (fig. 43) 

Last and st raw sandals 

Straw sandals 

Fishskin shoes, with snowshoes 

(p. 333). 

Sandals (p. 333) Yesso, Japan . 

Gaiters Japan . 

Sandals (fig. 36) Wnos. Japan 

Snowshoes, hunter's ' Tate Yama, Japan 

Sandals j Nikko, Japan 

Boots straw (fig. 44) Tate Yama. Japan 

Straw boots, hunter's do 

Moccasins, woman's, birch bark Finland 

(figs. 45, 47). 

Shoes do 

Shoes, child's do 

Slippers, woman's do 

Long boots, tarbossas Kamchatka 

Boots Siberia 


Boots, Alaskan type Chukchi 

Water-proof boots do 

Dresscd-skin boots, soles of sea- j Bering Island 

lion flippers. 

Summer boots, many insertions Cape Nome, Alaska 

Waterproof boots, winter Diomede Island, Alaska. 

Toy sealskin boots , Norton Bay, Alaska 

Boottees, waterproof Golovina Bay, Alaska... 

Boots, sealskin (p. 340) do 

Boots, deerskin, winter , 

Boottees, sealskin (pi. 4) 

Boots, dressed sealskin 

Boots, waterproof (p. 341).. . . 

Man's fancy boots 

Fishskin boots - 

Biding boots, dogskin 

Grass shoes 

Shoes, high, elegant 

Woman's boots 

Boots, skin 

Boots, toy 

Shoes, toy 

Boots, fishskin 

Half boots, woman's 

Straw shoes, Eskimo 

Boots, fishskin 

Boots, salmon skin 

Unalakleet, Alaska 

Norton Bay 

Norton Sound, Alaska . 
St. Michaels, Alaska... 





Fort Yukon, Alaska . . . 


Lower Yukon, Alaska . 

Yukon. Alaska 


Anvik, Alaska 


By whom contributed. 

W. W. Rockhill. 
H. B. Hurlbert. 




P. L. Jony. 
Col. Alex. Johnston. 
Bureau of Ethnology. 
Japanese Government. 
Romyn Hitchcock. 


Perry expedition. 
Benjamin S. Lyman. 
P. L.Jouy. 



Hon. J. M. Crawford. 

Leonhard Stejneger. 
Lieut G. B. Harber, 
U. S. N. 
I Commodore Rodgers. 
Leonhard Stejneger. 

E. W. Nelson. 
W. H. Dall. 

W. H. Dall. 
1 E.W.Nelson. 
| General Hazen. 
! Do. 
E. W. Nelson. 
J. H. Turner. 
i W.H.Dall. 
j E. W. Nelson. 

Digitized by 




Sandals, Shoes, and Boots in the U. S. National Museum — Continued. 



5594, 5595 






















129661, 129662 


56749, 56750 




912, 915 
2222, 2223 



Boots, fishskin Anvik, Alaska 

Boots, child's Yukon River, A laska. . 

Boots, salmon skin j do 

Boots, sealskin (pi. 4) ' do 

do do 

Boots, skin do 

Shoes, child's, fine j Alaska 

Boots, waterproof 

Boots, half . v 

Boots, sealskin 

Boots, deerskin, soles flat 

Boots, reindeer skin 

Boots, winter, deerskin 

Boots, tarbossas 

Boots, winter, decorated 

Boots, waterproof 

Shoes, grass (fig. 44) 


Moccasins, flshskin 

Boots, waterproof, fishskin , 

Boots, men's 

Moccasins, women's 

Boots, deerskin 

Boots, sealskin bottoms 


Boots, men's (figs. 49, 52) 

Woman's pantaloons (fig. 48) 

Boots, woman's waterproof (fig. 

Boots, skin of mountain sheep 

(fig. 51). 
Boots, man's winter 
Boots, reindeer (p. 338) 

Boots, musk rat skin 
Boots, sealskin, waterproof (pi. 4) 
Boots, deerskin 
Boots, fox nkin 
Boots, deerskin 

Boots, sealskin 

Shoes, child's 

Boots, Eskimo, man's 
Shoes, man's (pi. 4) .. 

Sh«»es, child's 

Boots, Eskimo 

Boots, without tops . . 

Shoes, child's 

Shoes, woman's 

By whom contributed. 


.do . 


.do . 

.do . 

.do . 

.do . 

.do . 

.do . 

.do . 


.do . 


Overshoes, fur do . 

Boots, woman's winter (pi. 4) do . 

Boots, man's winter (pi. 4, fig. 6) do . 

Overshoes. Eskimo (pi. 4) do . 

Boots, man's do . 

Boots, man's summer (pi. 4) , do . 

Yukon, Alaska 


Nuuivak, Alaska 

Kuskokwira, Alaska. 
Nushagag, Alaska... 

Aleutian Islands 

Unalaska, Alaska 

Attu, Alaska 

Togiakumut, Alaska 

Igiagik River 

Bristol Bay, Alaska.. 

Kenai Indians 
Kotzebue Sound 


Putnam River, Alaska. 
Point Barrow, Alaska . 

W. H. Dall. 

J. T. Dyar. 

W. H. Dall. 
E. W. Nelson. 
J. II. Turner. 

W. H. Dall. 
E. W. Nelson. 
Dr. T. T. Miner. 
E. W. Nelson. 

J. G. Swan. 
E. W. Nelson. 
Lieut G. T. Emmons. 
J. Applegate. 
William J. Fisher. 
Charles L. McKay. 

William J. Fisher. 
Lieut. G. M. Stoney. 

Lieut. P. H. Ray. 




E. P. ilerendeen. 
John Murdoch. 
Robert MacFarlane. 


Robert MacFarlane. 


















Digitized by 



Sandals, Shoes, and Boots in the U. S. National Museum — Continued. 

Mane ura 












558, 559 










168921, 168922 

168933, 168934 
90356, 90357 
150890 j 
151667 I 
153507 ' 
153865 | 
5651 j 



By whom contributed. 


Soles, man's sealskin boots Anderson River 

Mackenzie River . 

Boots, deerskin 

Boots, part of deerskin 

Shoes, child's 

Boots, Eskimo 

Boots, Eskimo do 

Boots, men's deerskin do 

Shoes, child's do 

Boots, men's deerskin, sealskin, : do 

and fox skin. 

Boots, man's do 

Models of Eskimo shoes I Repulse Bay. 

Boots, sealskin, waterproof ' Hecla Strait . 

Boots, sealskin, fur Hudson Bay . 

do do 

Overshoes, sealskin do 

Boots, woman's.deerskin, far inside do 

Boots, waterproof do 

Shoes, child's, waterproof do 

Boots Upernavik, Greenland. 

Boots, long, double do 

Boots, man's ' do 

Robert MacFarlane. 



R. Kennicott. 


Robert MacFarlane. 



Capt. C. F. Hall. 

J. Temple Brown. 





Dr. 1. 1. Hayes. 



Boots, sealskin Greenland F. Y. Conimagerc. 

Boots, fur lined do 

Shoes do 

Boots, long, ornamented South Greenland. 

Slippers, sealskin j do 

Boots (four pairs) Greenland 

Boots, sealskin, double ' do 

Boots, man's East Greenland . . 

Boots, woman's do 

Gaiter shoes Unga va, Labrador 

Moccasins, Tinne ty]»e do 

Shoes, child's. T-shaped toes (p.348) do 

do do 

Shoes, corrugated soles do 

Shoes, child's, winter (p. 343) do 

Boots, type set, models (p. 342) do 

Boots, toy, hair inside do 

Shoes, child's, waterproof do 

Boots, outside do 

Moccasins do 

Boots do 

Moccasins, Tlingit Indian Southeastern Alaska. . . 

do Interior Alaska 

Moccasins, child's do 

Moccasins, man's Fort Good Hope 

Shoes, man's do 

Moccasins do 

Shoes, porcupine quill work Fort Simpson. Canada- 

Governor Fenckner. 

Mrs. Octave Pavy. 

Dr. C. H. Merriam. 
Dr. F. M. Hoadley. 
Royal Museum of North- 
ern Antiquities, Copen- 
hagen, Denmark. 

L. M. Turner. 







Miss Anna L. Ward. 
Dr. C. H. Merriam. 
Henry G. Bryant. 

J.J. McLean. 
L. M. Turner. 
J. H. Turner. 
R. Kennicott. 


B. R. Ross. 

Digitized by 



Sandals, Shoes, and Boots in the U. S. National Museum— Continued. 




By whom contributed. 


Fort Simpson, Canada.. 

Anderson River 


B. R. Ross. 


C. P. Gaudct. 


R. MacFarlane. 


W. H. Dall. 


Moccasins (p. 346) 





J. H. Turner. 


Southeast Alaska 


Vincent Colyer. 




Dr. J. B. White. 


R. T? TtfM* 

Fort Good Hope R. Kennicott. 

Fort St. James, Canada. R. Ma/'F»rlHTi*»_ 




Moccasins, low, with lapels 

Boots and shoes >. 

Coguowaga, Canada 

Dr. G. Brown Goode. 
State Department. 
Mrs. E. J. Stone. 


New York 


North Carolina 

F. H. Cushing. 



Bureau of Ethnology. 
Henry G. Bryant. 
Dr. G. Brown Goode. 



Shubeuacadie, Nova 


Moccasins, Micmac 















165983, 165984 











do do 

Moccasins, heavy bead work do 

Moccasins, bead and porcupine \* ork do 

Moccasins, Arapahoe Nebraska 

do j do 

do Oklahoma 

do ' Wyoming 

do ' Indian Territory . 

Moccasins, Arapahoe (p. 350) I 

Moccasins, Cheyenne 

do ; 


Moccasins, girl's ' Indian Territt ry . 

Moccasins, woman's 1 do 

Moccasins, man's do 

Moccasins, woman's do 

Moccasins, man's do 

Moccasins, woman's \ do 

Moccasins, child's do 

Moccasins, toy do 

Moccasins and leggings, woman's . ' do 

Moccasins, Ponca Indians Fort Randall 

do do . 

Moccasins, child's Leech Lake, Minn . 

Mocassins i Kansas 

Moccasins, Crow Montana 

Moccasins, man's, beaded do 

Moccasins, beaded. Sioux Missouri 

Moccasins, Sioux , do 



Medical Museum, U.S.A. 
Capt.J.G.Bourke, U.S.A. 
Eniile Granier. 
Bureau of Ethnology. 
H. R. Voth collection. 

E. Palmer. 

Medical Museum, U.S.A. 
Mrs. J. G. Bruff. 
H. R. Voth collection. 








Asst. Surg. A.J. Comfort, 

U. S. A. 
Capt J .G.Bourke, U.S.A. 
Lieutenant Belden, 

Bureau of Ethnology. 
Dr. W.J. Hoffman. 
Medical Museum, U.S. A. 
Dr. W. J. Hoffman. 

Dr. R. Mueller. 
Lieut. G. K. Warren. 

Digitized by 




Sandals, Shoes, and Bouts in the IT. S. National Museum— Continued. 





By whom contributed. 




















































6986, 6987 


76785, 76786 

I Moccasins, 

I Moccasins, 

I do 

do .... 







child's, Sioux. 



Red River 

Pine Ridge Agency. 

child's, Sioux 

Kiowa (p. 350) 

toy, Eiowa 


boys. Kiowa 

child's. Kiowa 

man's, Kiowa 

man's, Kiowa, type 


beaded, Dakota 

child's, Sioux 




Indian Territory . 






Devils Lake, Dakota. 

child's, Dakota . 
men's, Sioux 

Shoes, Sionx 

Moccasins, beaded, bov s Montana 

Moccasins and le^jjings. child s . . Crow Agency. 

Moccasins, Omaha Indians Omaha 

do Nebraska 

Moccasins, Assimboine Indians 

Moccasins, Sioux 

Moccasins, Dakota 

Moccasins, Sioux Dakota 


Moccasins, child's, Sioux 

Moccasins, unfinished, Sioux 

Moccasins. Sioux 

. South Dakota. 

do do 

Moccasins, boy's do 

MiH-casins, Sioux (p. 350) Nebraska 

Moccasins Brule Dakota 

do do 

Moccasins. Kiowa < Indian Territory 

Moccasins Texas and Mexico 

Moccasins, Comanche i do 

Moceasins and le^in-^Coinanelie . i do 

Moccasins Comanche do 

do New Mexico 

do Indian Territory 

Moceasins Texas 

Moccasins, child's 

Moccasins. Pawnee 

Moccasins, Caddo (p. 351) , 

Moccasins, Wichita 

Moccasins, Chetemacha, type. .... 
Nebraska . 


Lieut. J. K. Warren. 

Robert E. Williams. 
Mrs. £. C. Sickels. 
Dr. J . F. Boughter, U.S.A. 
James Mooney. 





Capt. R.H.Pratt, U.S. A. 

James Mooney. 
Paul Beck with. 
War Department. 

Mrs. J. G. Bruff. 
Mrs. A. C. Jackson. 
Mrs. E. J. Stone. 
Capt. R.H.Pratt, U S.A. 
Mrs. M. M. Hazen. 

Dr. W.J. Hoffman. 

Rev. Win. Hamilton. 
Mrs. J.O. Dorsey. 
Lieut. Cook, U. S. A . 
Medical Museum, U.S. A. 


Dr. E. Cones. 
Mrs. M.M. Hazen. 

Miss E. C Sickles. 
James Mooney. 

Dr. Z. T. Daniels. 
Medical Museum, U.S. A. 
Lieut. Cook, U. S. A. 

James Mooney. 
Lieut. Couch, U.S. N. 

E. Palmer. 

Mrs J. G. Bruff. 
James Mooney. 
Minor Kellogg. 

L. W. Piatt. 
E. Palmer. 

C. E. Whitney. 

Digitized by 



Sandals, Shoes, and Boots in the U. R. National Museum— Continued. 






20795, 2079« 









167726, 167727 









12068,12069 { 

14384-14391 i 

17217, 17218 

19831 [ 


19841 i 

165148 I 

19628 ' 



21722, 21723 




10788, 10789 


11193, 11194 

















Woman's pantaloon a, buckskin . . . Kenai Indians 

Boots, reindeer skin Chileat. Alaska 

Moccasins | Wrangcll, Alaska 

Moccasins, Stikine Indians ' do 

Moccasins Sitka, Alaska 

Moccasins (p. 351) do 

Boots, child's j Northwestern coast <» 

I America. 

Shoes, grass j do 

Moccasins Fort Colville, Wash . . 

Moccasins, Chinook (p. 352) Columbia River 

Moccasins, Klamai h ! Oregon 

Shoes for winter, Klamath do 

Moccasins, Nez Perc6 (p. 352; Idaho 

Moccasins, child's, Bannock |. .. .do 

do do 

do I do 

Moccasins, Shoshone > Wyoming 

Moccasins Northern Wyoming .. 

do do 

do [ do 

Moccasins, plain do 

Moccasins, Pai-Utes Southern Utah 

Moccasins, women a' Pai-Utes do 

Moccasins, Pai- Utes do 

Moccasins Utah 

do do 

do .do 

do do 

Moccasins, Shoshone Wyoming 

Moccasins, child's Walker Lake, Colo 

Moccasins, Hupa Indians California 

Moccasins, McCloud River Indians do 

do do 

Moccasins, Ute Indians Colorado 

Moccasins, beaded, Ute Indians .. ...... do 

Moccasins, with long leggings do 

Moccasins, Ute Indians ' do 

Moccasins, Moki Arizona 

Boots, hide soles do 

Sandals, straw | Silver City, N. Mex . . . 

Sandals, large (a fragment) (pi. 71)1 do 

Sandals, child's (pi. 7) do 

Sandals, yucca liber (p. 357) i St. George, Utah 

Boots, Apache ' Arizona 

Boots, Tonto Apache | do 

Moccasins and leggings, Apache.. I do 

Boots, long, Apache 

Moccasins, with legs, A pache ' A rizona 

Moccasins, girls', Shoshone j Ttah 

Moccasins, Gosh Utes do 

Moccasins, child's , do 

Moccasins, used in Mormon church do 

Moccasins, Utes I 

By whom contributed. 

Win. J. Fisher. 
Dr. T. T. Minor. 
Vincent Colyer. 
J. G. Swan. 


Commodore Wilkes, 

Dr. James T. Ghiselin. 
George Gibhs. 
L. S. Dyar. 

J.B. Monteith. 
Ed. Palmer. 
Dr. George M. Kober. 
Prof. »-.H. Hitchcock. 
James Mooney. 
Maj.J. W.Powell. 










James Mooney. 
S. Powers. 

Livingston Stone. 

Maj. J. W. Powell. 





Henry H. Rnsby. 


E. Palmer. 


Ma,i. W. H. Mills. 
W. F. M. Amy. 
Dr. J. B.White, U.S. A. 
Maj. J. W. Powell. 


George Woltz. 
Lewis Engel. 

Digitized by 



Sandals, Shoes, and Hoots in the U. S. National Museum — Continued. 















22830, 22831 


Shoes, mescal fiber, La Costa In- 



do I 

.. j 

do ' 


Moccasins and leggings, woman's . 

Moccasins, boy's, Shoshone j 

Overshoes, basket, Zufii <p. 361) 


By whom contributed. 

Lower California . 

Utah - 

Northern Utah. 


New Mexico... 



























Moccasins, Zufii do 

Moccasins, Hopi Indians Arir.ona 

do do 

Moccasins and leggings, Hopi In- ' do 


do do 

Moccasin straps, Hopi Indians do 

Moccasins, red tops, Hopi Indians do 

Moccasins Tusayan, An/.. 

Moccasins, boy's, Moki , do 

Moccasins, winter, Moki I do 

Moccusins, Moki ) do 

Moccasins, woman's, Moki do 

Moccasins, man's, Moki (fig. 65) do 

Moccasins, child's, Moki do 

do do 

do do 

do do 

Shoes, child's. Moki do 

Moccasins, child's, Moki do 

do ; do 

Moccasins, child's, Moki do 

Moccasins, Oraibi 

Shoes, woman's, Oraibi 

Sandals, Indian 

Last for moccasins ". Arizona . 

Sandals, rawhide (fig. 66) Sonora. Mex . 

Casa Grande, Gila River. 

Moccasins and leggings, Navajo. . . Arizona 

Moccasins, driller's, Navajo do 

Moccasins, black, silver button do 

Moccasins ! New Mexico. 

Sandals, plaited 

Moccasins, child's 

Moccasins, Zufii 

Sandals, hide, Zufii 


Sandals, willow bark, Mohave . . . 



New Mexico 



Colorado River . 

Moccasins New Mexico 

Shot- s and leggings, woman's do 

Moccasins, child's ' do 

Shoe I Santa Domingo, N. Mex. 

H. C. andChaa.R.Orcutt. 

Maj. J. W. PowelL 








Bureau of Ethnology. 
James Mooney. 





Maj. J. W.Powell. 

I Do. 

Col. J. S. Stevenson. 





James Mooney. 


Maj. J. W. Powell. 
Mrs. M. E. Stevenson. 
Col. Paston. 
E. Palmer. 
\V J McGee. 
James Mooney. 

I Do. 

Ci. M. Wheeler. 
Mexican Commission. 
Rev. Father Walter. 
G.M. Wheeler. 
Dr. J. B.White, U.S. A. 

E. Palmer. 

Medical Museum, U. S. A. 
E. Palmer. 
G. M. Wheeler. 
Maj. J. W.Powell. 

Digitized by 



Sandals, Shoes, and Boots in the U. S. National Museum— Continued. 


152732 , 
174484 I 
31030 I 
9549,9550 ' 


17347, 17348 





Soles of sandals 

Sandals (fig. 67) 

Sandals, rawhide 

Moccasina, Apache 

Moccasins, woman's, Apache 

Moccasins, Navajo Indians 

Moccanins, Navajo Indians (figs. 

63 and 64). 



Shoes, Navajo Indian 

Moccasins and leggings, Navajo 


Sandals, Merida 

Shoes, child's 

Rubber shoes 


Sandals * 

Sandals from mummy, fur skin . . . 

Slippers, wooden sole 

Slippers, woman's 


By whom contributed. 

Rio Grande, Mexico i Capt.J.G.Bourko.U.S.A. 

Colinia, Mexico ■ E. Palmer. 

Sonora. Mexico WJ McGee. 

Yuma. Aril j Maj.W.H.Brown.U.S. A. 


Capt. R. H. Pratt, U.S.A. 

New Mexico Asst.Surg. John Brooke. 

.do E. Palmer. 

Gov.W.F. M.Arny. 

New Mexico Lieut G. M. Wheeler. 

Arizona i A. M.Stephen. 

do ' James Mooney . 

Yucatan, Mexico Louis H. A yme. 

Venezuela ' R. M. Bartleman. 

Central America ( Hon. E. K. Hart. 



Peru (fig. 70). 



W. E. Curtis. 
W. W. Carter. 



The snowshoe is a device for sustaining the body of one traveling on 
the top of the snow. It will be seen at a glance to be absolutely neces- 
sary to the welfare of hyperborean peoples in walking, hunting, pulling 
a sled, or in driving a team attached to the sled. Every Arctic cul- 
ture area has its own use for this article. According to the timber 
supply and the life to be led, the snowshoe varies from place to place. 
In association with its kindred implement, the sled, the snowshoe was 
the apparatus for most rapid land transit known to man before the age 
of steam. 

Snowshoes are of two kinds:. (1) Those of wood, the skee or its 
equivalent; (2) the netted snowshoe. The wooden snowshoe varies 
from people to people, but there are, iu a general sense, but two kinds, 
the skee proper, or wooden skate (fig. 75), useful in rapid transit, and 
the compound skee, lined beneath with pelt, useful in draft and also for 
uphill work (tig. 77). 

The smooth skee is to be seen in two forms, one having grooves beneath 
acting as a keel or keel board, the other being perfectly flat and smooth 

The netted snowshoe grows out of two needs, that of timber suffi- 
ciently large and strong from which to make them, and the demand for 
a footgear that will help the wearer in an emergency to draw a heavy 
load. There is a great variety of netted snowshoes, the differences 

Digitized by 




among them depending partly upon the form and quality of the frame, 
and partly upon the material the kind and fineness of nettiug. 

(1) The simplest form of frame is a hoop of 
wood, made from a scion or sapling, trimmed 
very little, and bent into a form more or less 
round, without crossbars. Examples of this 
type are shown in pis. 17 and 21. 

In the Caucasus and in the Aino country 
a nearly round frame is made by telescoping 
one half hoop into another and binding 
the ends together. In the Adirondacks the 
wealthy hunters wear a very pretty and 
costly kind with circular frames. 

(2) An advance upon the first form is a 
hoop or ellipse, with two opposite points 
drawn toward each other, more in shape of 
the foot or like an hour glass; also without 
crossbars. This form has a restricted area 
and is shown in fig. 76. 

(3) A third type does not differ essentially 
from No. 2, except that the outline is oval 
and the rear part occasionally constricted, 
as in a hand glass. The oval form is illus- 
trated by an example in the U. S. National 
Museum from the northwest coast of Amer- 
ica, collected long ago by Captain Wilkes. 
No. 2728, fig. 92, is the type specimen. 

A type slightly differing from No. 3 is 
from Ungava, eastern Canada. The ellipse 
is the fundamental form; the rear is con- 
stricted into three local varieties, described 
by Turner, to wit, the beaver tail, the swal 
low tail, and the round end forms. The 
Ungava specimens are neatly made, as if 
by machinery, and they have crossbars and 
fine webbing of thong and provision for the 
toes inclosed in a soft shoe. 

(4) This type has a frame in one piece, 
but the front end is bent sharper and the 
rear ends lashed together, forming a trailer. 
All of this looped variety in the National 
Museum have crossbars set in after the man- 
ner to be described. The variations in this 

c un """" class of frames are in the turning up or not 

of the front, the length of the trailer, and, in the latest voyageur and 
Canadian examples, the curve of the front. 





« •' F{«-« 

Digitized by 



(5) The Chukchi and the natives of St. Lawrence Island make a 
frame of two pieces of wood bowed and lashed together at the ends in 
lenticular form. Anciently, all Eskimos wore this sort of snowshoe. 
These specimens are necessarily provided with crossbars. There is 
one example in the National Museum in which a two-part frame is 
rounded in front and trailed behind. In the Iroquois and Sioux country, 
and also among the voyageurs, the two-part frame reaches its perfection, 
being neatly made and gracefully turned up in front. 

In order to give room for all questions that may arise in separating 
snowshoes into their species, and varieties on ethnical, technical, and 
geographical grounds, the following characteristics must be examined: 

1. Material. — Driftwood, lumber, sapling, bone, antler, etc. 

2. Outer frame. — Number of parts, relation to symmetry and the man- 
ner in which they are bound together. 

3. Cross section of the frame. — Round, squared, pointed oval, etc. 

4. Outline and shear. — Circular, elliptical, oval, pointed oval, lentic- 
ular; also flat, warped, turned up, etc. 

5. Crossbars. — Number, material, form, and attachment. 

6. Netting. — Rude or woven; wrapped, rove, or worked on a border 
line; of thong, babiche, twine of sinew, twine of'babiche, vegetable 
twine; toe netting, heel netting, foot netting. 

7. Measurement*. 

The netted snowshoe may be traced into the United States quite well 
to the southward in the States east of the Plains; but it practically dis- 
appears from the horse tribes or regions. Old frontiersmen say that the 
horse Indians were not fond of snowshoes, and did not care to use 

The snowshoe line southward is on the isotherm of northern New 
York in winter. There was an abundance of raw material for making 
them, and the question was one of demand. If the snow was too soft 
to sustain the wearer, it mattered not how deep it lay, that only made 
matters worse. There was also a northern limit of good snowshoes. 
It lay within the Arctic Circle, where the snow became hard enough in 
the long winter nights to sustain the hunter without them. There, it 
will be seen, they became poorer as we get farther north. 

Snowshoes are not known to have been used south of the Klamath 
River in California. They are not spoken of as occurring in South 
America. Here and there further south netted and fur overmoccasins 

Nansen 1 mentions in his matchless chapter on the Skee the use of 
mud boards on the feet for crossing a marsh, and contrasts the lifting of 
them in stepping with the gliding of the Skee and the peculiar motion 
of the skater. 

The Guaraon, of the Orinoco, run with extreme address on muddy 
lands, where the European, the Negro, or other Indians except them- 

1 "First Crossing of Greenland," London, 1890, 1, p. 76. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


selves would not dare to walk; and it is, therefore, commonly believed 
that they are of lighter weight than the rest of the natives. The 
ease with which they walk in places newly dried without sinking in, 
when even they have no planks tied to their feet, seemed to me the 
effects of long habit. 1 

The Norwegian snowshoe, skee (called she, pi. skier, skilober, snow- 
shoer; skilobning, snowshoeing), is a strip of hard wood from 5 to 8 
feet long, 4 or more inches wide, and not more than an inch thick, on 
the average. Many of them are ornamented, but essentially they are 
pointed and turned up at both ends, having a strap back of the middle 
for the foot. On the underside may be a groove, acting like a keel or 
centerboard. The skee was formerly accompanied with the staff, useful 
especially in steering or guiding the traveler. This type is found in 
Norway, Sweden, Finland, Russia, and on the Amur. In Kamchatka 
the sled rests on skees. The Norwegian truger is the counterpart 
of the netted snowshoe, worn by men and horses and also by Alpine 
peasants. It is made of an oblong osier hoop, 12 to 16 inches in 
length, bound to the foot with the simplest lashings. 2 

Nansen devotes a chapter to the spread of the skee argued on philo- 
logical grounds. The origin is found thereby in the Altai from Baikal 
Lake south west ward. He names four types: 

1. Sok, tok, hokh, from Japan Sea to Lapland. 

2. Sana, tana, hana, among Buriats and northwest Samoyeds. 

3. Solta, tolde, among Golde, Tungus, Ostyak Samoyeds. 

4. Lysha, gola, kalku, etc., of Aryan parentage. 

In northeastern Siberia outstanding names are given. 

The interesting fact is also stated that the transition from the fur- 
lined to the smooth skee is not abrupt. In Osterdalen, Norway, the one 
on the left foot is long and smooth ; the other short and lined beneath 
with skin. With this may be compared the skater on one foot. 3 

The great dexterity shown by professionals on this apparatus and 
its introduction into civilized sport must not be noticed here except to 
call attention again to the universal tendency of old drudgeries to 
become by and by pastimes and fine arts. Nor does the skee escape the 
common lot of apotheoses, since in the Norse mythologies heroes are 
made to travel on this wise; and it is the boast of a northern chieftain 
that he could traverse the snow upon skates of wood. 4 

In 1865 Henry Elliott and the Intercontinental Telegraph party 
traveled 25 miles in two hours across Stuart's Lake, Canada, on 
skates made from cedar boughs, using blankets for sails. 

i Humboldt's Travels. London, 1852, Bohn., I, p. 332. 

* F. Nansen, " First Crossing of Greenland," London, 1890, Longmans, I, pp. 3, 10, 39, 
with figure; also Illustrated London News, 1895, 106, p. 172. 

3 "First Crossing Greenland," London, 1890, i, Cbap. m, pp. 73-1 14, with figures and 

4 01ai. Worm. Lit. Run., p. 129, cited by Strutt, " Sports and Pastimes of the Peo- 
ple of England/' p. 153. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Bone skates from Iceland are ligureil in "The lteliquary," ' made from 
the radius, metatarsal, metacarpal bones of tbe ox or horse, shaved off 
to fit tbe foot on one side and trimmed at tbe ends on tbe lower side. 
Holes are pierced through the ends and a cord is looped through the 
front hole by its middle. The two ends cross on the instep, pass dowii 
to the hole through the heel, where they cross and are brought up to 
tbe ankle and fastened around the limb. The bone skate is only a kind 
of skee. The forward motion is obtained by means of a rod shod witb 
iron or by sailing before the wind. 

A Scandinavian, far from home, at Meadow Lake, Xevada County, 
Cal., has reproduced the skee with a longitudinal groove underneath 
from end to end, and has sent an example to the MuseuiA of Natural 
History, in New York. 

Rasmus B. Anderson speaks of the Laplander making snowshoes, 
and also as being expert in the use of the skee, or long wooden snow- 
shoe. 2 

The kinship of the skee to the sledge, shown in the traveling appara- 
tus of Kamchatka and the Canadian toboggan, is also illustrated by 
Conan Doyle iu a pleasure trip over tbe Alps: "The guides undid 
their skier, lashed their straps together, and turned them into a rather 
clumsy toboggan. Sitting on these, with our heels dug into the snow 
and our sticks pressed down hard behind us, we began to move down 
tbe precipitous face of the pass." 3 

Hendrick Hamel says that the cold was so intense in Korea in 1062, 
and there fell such a quantity of snow, that the people made ways under 
it to pass from house to house; and to go on it they wore small boards 
like battledores under the feet. 4 

Batcbelder must be thinking of still another style used by these 
northern aborigines of Japan. He says the snowshoes of the Aiuo are 
of wood; each consists of a single piece neatly covered with sealskin. 
They are 5 feet 7 inches long, 7£ inches in breadth, and fastened to the 
feet by means of a rawhide thong. 5 They are almost identical with 
those of the Amur. 

Whales abound in the Channel of Manchuria, but are only got by the 
natives of Saghalin when washed ashore. They sell the oil to the Jap 
anese, and make use of tbe whalebone for their sledges, bows, and snow- 

'.J. Romilly Allen, The Reliquary, London, 189(5, n, pp. 33-38. quoting Leland's 
Itinerary. London, 1772, vni, p. 45; Strutt, "Sports and Pastimes of tbe People of 
England," and C. Roach Smith, Arclneologia, xxix, p. 397. See also R. Monro, Proc. 
Soe. Antiquaries of. Scotland, xwn.p. 185. 

; Senate Ex. Doc. 73, 53d Cong., 2d sess., p. 148. See illustration in Frank Leslie's 
Monthly, Feb. 2, 1804. 

3 McClure's Magazine, New York, 1895, iv, p. 352. 

« Quoted by W. E. Griffis in "Korea, Without and Within,'' Philadelphia, 1885, 
p. 114. 

fi Batcbelder, "Ainu of Japan," Chicago, 1893, p. 187, with figure. CI*. Schrenck. 
H. Mis. 90, pt. 2 25 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


shoes. 1 All the Japanese snowshoes in the U. S. National Museum 
are of the hooped variety. 

Examples Nos. 22195 and 22196 are snowshoes sent from Yokohama, 
Japan, by the Hon. Benjamin Lyman. The frames are hoops of wood 
drawn together in the shape of a long oval constricted in the middle. 
The lashing under the foot is made of rawhide thongs. Length, 18 £ 
inches; greatest width, 10 inches. Worn by the Aino, of northern 
Japan. One of these specimens is shown in fig. 76. In the collection 
of Eomyn Hitchcock, No. 150043, U. S. National Museum, is a pair 
of Aino snowshoes made of wood and lashed with thong of bear- 
skin. The general shape is an oblong oval. The frame consists of two 

bent sticks, rounded at the bends 
and squared along the limbs. 
The one forming the heel portion 
u telescopes" into the other, and 
the two are lashed together by 
the webbing of bearskin. This 
is all of one piece, and passes 
around the two side sticks by a 
double loop, as in many Ameri- 
Fig.76. can specimens. The knot is the 


Cnt No. 82196, U. S. N. M. Clh te.l hv Hon. B*-nj:unin S. Lyirmn. .' A , . ., , . , 

gin near the toe the loop is made. 
The thong passes diagonally across and makes another loop, then across 
again and back, so that when completed it makes a monogram of M 
and W. The toe strap or loop is simply the fastening of the remaining 
thong. These are worn with fishskin boots. 2 

In Brockhaus's Atlas of Ethnography, there is figured a snowshoe 
of the telescoped form used by the Swanen, in the Caucasus, and Hitch- 
cock brought from Tate Yama a telescoped frame with wooden wedges 
beneath, without foot netting (fig. 93, p. 411). 

The Samoyed skees are wider and shorter than the Norwegian, being 
about 6 feet long and inches wide. They are made of light wood, and 
have deerskin stretched over the sole. They can make 35 miles a day 
on their "olen loegia" or "kammus lcegia." 3 

The Giliaks have two kinds of snowshoes — small, lahk ; and^arge, enj. 
The small snowshoe is made from a thin board without covering, 4£ 
feet long and 5 to 6 inches wide, bent up and more or less pointed in 
front. In different regions it assumes modifications of form in the end. 
These are of universal use as sleds, as shovels, and even as dishes, on 
a pinch. The large snowshoe is longer, wider, and covered on the 
bottom with hide of the seal, the hair pointing backward 4 (fig. 77). 

1 Ravenstein, " Russians ou the Amur, " London, 1861, pp. 323-324. 
2 Rep. Smithsonian Institution (U. S. Nat. Mus.), 1890, pi. xvn. 
3 Jacktfon, "The Great Frozen Land," London, 1895, p. 69. 

4 Schrenck, "Reisen und Forschungen im Auiur-Lande," St. Petersburg, 1891, K. 
Akad.d. Wissensoh., tit, 475, pi. xxxv, 9 figs. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



On the Usurithe Yupitatze or 
Fish Skinshuntonlyduring win- 
ter. The snowshoes are planks 
cut from the pine trees, one- 
fourthinch thick, 5 inches broad, 
6 feet long, sloping upward at 
both ends, lined beneath with 
deerskin, and bound tightly to 
the feet by means of two straps. 
On these the Yupitatze will skim 
lightly over the snow, follow the 
track of the game, and go 20 to 
25 leagues in a short winter day. 
He climbs the mountains with 
ease. The deerskin is set on with 
the hair pointingbackward, and 
this serves as a ratchet. 1 

The Tungusian snow shoe is a 
skee, about 5 feet long and 10 
iuches wide, hewn very thin and 
bent up at the toes. They are 
soled with skin from the seal or 
the legs of the deer or horse, 
with the hair on and pointing 
backward. 2 

At Oudskoi men and boys 
slide down hill on them, descend- 
ing steep declivities at almost 
lightning speed. Thesnowshoer 
always carries a staff as a rud- 
der, a brake, and a balance or 
fulcrum. 3 

The snowshoes of the Koraks, 
about Ghijigha, are different 
from those farther south. They 
consistof wooden bows, rounded 
and raised in front, and pointed 
at the rear, over which a net- 
work of seal thongs is inter- 
woven, but very clumsy, and not 
as buoyant as those used by the 
Yakuts and Tungus. 4 

This change of snowshoe is 
the result of natural causes. 

1 Ravenstem, "Russians on the Amur," Loudon, 1861, p. 94. 

2 Bush, "Reindeer, Dogs and Snowshoes," New York, 1871, p. 166. 

3 Cf. John Bell, "Lives of Celebrated Travelers." Harper's Magazine, 1835, n, p. 145. 

<Cf. Bush, "Reindeer, Dogs and Snowshoes," New York, 1871, p. 356. 

Digitized by 




There is not enough good, tough wood in all northeast Siberia to 

make one skee. 
The Kamchatkans hunt sable on snowshoes with trained dogs, drive 

them into holes which they surround with nets, and then, forcing them 

out with lire and ax, kill them with clubs.' 

The Katnchadale snowshoes are really a necessary accessory to the 

sled driver to enable him to quit the vehicle for hunting or working 
about it, and for the protection of the road. They 
are made of thin board, 4J feet long, 7 inches broad, 
sloped to a point at both ends, curved up in front, 
and arched up a little in the middle. On the under- 
side sealskin is fitted with the hair pointed back 
ward, to serve as a ratchet. The straps are nearer 
the front. Langsdorfl' speaks of them as extremely 
useful in going up and down hill. 2 

"The Chukchi snowshoes are 2 feet long, broad 
and flat, front 8 inches wide, tapering to a point 
behind, where to prevent sinking in the snow a 
piece of baleen 4 inches wide and 18 inches long is 
attached. This widening out of the trailer by in 
serting a wedge shaped piece is to be seen on Xew 
England examples. The nettings are of seal or 
walrus hide." :j 

Examples Nos. 2442 and 2443 are two pairs of 
Chukchi snowshoes from northeast Siberia, col 
lected by Commodore John Kodgers, U. S. X. The 
frames are of oak roughly squared, the ends are 
pointed, the fronts turn up, and there are braces or 
crosspieces of wood and bone. The netting over 
the central space is of coarse caribou skin, rove 
through the sides and wrapped about the cross- 
pieces. There is no toe or heel netting. Length, 
35* inches ; breadth, (Y$ inches. One of these 
specimens is shown in fig. 78. 

The wide Amur type of snowshoe reaches the 
northern border of the Chukchi country. Of this, 
Nordenskibld says that a Chukchi man drove past 
his vessel in February, and ottered him a pair of 
immensely wide skates of their wood, covered with 

sealskin and raised at both sides. 4 

Of the Chukchi with whom he came in contact, Nordenskiold 

savs that both men and women use snowshoes in winter. Without 

Fig. 78. 





(Ht. No. -iUi.V. S. N. M. Collerfd 
by Commotloru John Ro<J««*r», 

1 Kennan, "Tent Life," p. 159. 

- Langsdorff, "Voyages," London, 1814, n. p. 291. 

'Hooper, "Tents of the Tuski," London, 1853, p. 184. 

4 "Voyage of the Vega," New York, 1882, Macmillau &. Co., p. 475, with ligiin' 

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them they will not undertake willingly any long walk in the snow. 
The frame of the snowshoe is of wood, and the netting of stout 
thongs. In the figure given by the author the frame is in two 
parts, with two crossbars, pointed at both ends and much turned up in 
front. ! 

-^ Examples Nos. 63002 to 63604 (the latter being shown in fig. 79) are 

snowshoes from Icy Cape. The frames are roughly whittled and pointed 
at the heel. Netting fine, babiche woven open and strong, and rove 
through the frame. The foot is supported 
on strong rawhide thong laid rectangular. 
Length, 30 inches; width, 10J inches. Col- 
lected by E. W. Nelson. 

The Eskimo about Bering Strait make 
their snowshoe frames from willow and 
alder, the only growing trees about that 
vicinity. They are like those just described 
from the Chukchi area. Indeed, the typi- 
cal Eskimo snowshoe has always coarse 
netting. Thereare two pairs of these double 
pointed, rude snowshoes from about Bering 
Strait in the Museum of Natural History, 
New York. They are in excellent condi- 
tion, and one of them has a line nicely 

\ served extending from the toe point to 
the front bar. The netting is of coarse 
thong, and forms regular parallelograms 
under the feet. These have been examined 
through the courtesy of Professor Putnam 
and Mr. Marshall Saville. 

Example No. 15605 is a set of three snow- 
shoe frames from Ponook, a little island 
east of St. Lawrence Island, Bering Sea, 
collected by Henry W. Elliott. They are 
8hort,inade of two pieces, thin and straight, 
in cross section. The braces are broad and 
flat, ends pointed and sharply curved up 
in front. The lashing is with thongs of iig.79. 


seal or walrus hide. Length, 21 inches; alaska. 

breadth, 9 inches. Other examples, col- c ^ *«• «*xm. u. s. n. m. < on*, t , j i, y K . w. 
lected by E. W. Nelson (Nos. 63236, 63242), 

are nearly flat, the frame coarsely made in two pieces, the netting of 
y walrus-hide thong. An average length is 4£ feet. 2 

The Iniiuit snowshoe is small and nearly flat, seldom over 30 inches 
long. They are always rights and lefts. Ingalik, larger; Kutchin, same 

1 " Voyage of the Vega," New York, 1882, Macmillan & Co., p. 475. 

2 See also Whyniper, "Travels and Adventures iuthe Territory of Alaska," p. 183. 

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style ; lludson Bay, 30 inches in length. l They are from 2 to 3 feet long, 
1 foot broad, and slightly turned up in front. 2 

Example No. 480913 (fig. 80) is a pair of snowshoes from Cape Darby, 
Alaska, north of Norton Sound, collected by E. W. Nelson. Frame in 
two pieces, rounded in cross section, and cut small in front. The toe is 
rounded and sharply curved up ; heel pointed. The foot netting, strong 
seal-thong rove through the frame. Both shoes are alike. Length, 36 
inches ; width, 10 J inches. This coarse shoe is a connecting link between 
the ruder Asiatic and the finer Athapascan forms. 
In this one the round toe has taken the place of the 
pointed toe, and there is a trace of toe netting. 

Example No. 48103 is a pair of snowshoe models 
from Norton Bay, Alaska, collected from the 
Mahlemut Eskimo by E. W. Nelson. The frame is 
rounded, in section, wide in front, and strongly 
curved up. The netting is of deerskin thong 
twisted into twine. Length, 10* inches; width, 4 J 

Example No. 45400 (pi. 11) is a pair of snowshoes 
from Norton Sound, Alaska, collected from the 
Iugalik Indians (Kai yuh kha tana) by E. W. Nelson. 
The frame is made of two pieces spliced in front and 
rounded in section. The netting is made of deer 
sinew twisted and attached to loops rove through 
the frame; strongly curved up in front and pointed 
at the heel. They are rights and lefts, a slight dif- 
ference being made in the frames. The method of 
attaching by the toe and heel loop is described by 
Murdoch, page 301. Length, 46 inches; width, 10 J 
inches. In the transition from the rectangular and 
shapeless meshes to hexagonal meshes in the three 
spaces, this specimen fills a gap. The toe netting 
is tolerably good hexagonal weaving. The foot net- 
ting is still as poor as any of its square- woven type, 
and the heel space is filled with a warp of thong 
converging at the trailer, held in position by a line 

Fig. 80. 

Cat No. 4S0W, I'. S. N M. C 
I.-rte.l l.y K. W. N.-Uor. 

of "bird -cage ,? weaving athwart its middle. 

The Kai yuh kho tana of Dall and Iugalik of the Russians (a corruption 
of the native or Eskimo word meaning Indians) occupy the low tundra 
on and about the Yukon and the Kuskokwim. They are Athapascan. 
Dall says that their habits vary with their environment, some being 
fishermen, others hunting the moose and the deer. On the Yukon the 
southernmost settlements trade dry fish and wooden ware, in making 

1 Dall, "Alaska and its Resources," pp. 190-191. 

2 Seeman, in "The Zoology of the Voyage of H. M. S. II era Id during the years 1845-61," 
London, 1853, II, p. 60. 

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Netted Snowshoes. 

These specimens are somewhat short and wide. The frames are of two pieces 
of wood, spliced in front, round in cross section and tnrned up at the toe, having 
pointed heel and crossbars let into the frame. The perforations of the frame for 
the cord to which the netting is attached, are in pairs, separated on the inside and 
coming together on the outside just below the surface, so that the foundation 
thong may be tied in a series of single knots, concealed on the outside and forming 
a line of loops on the inside of the frame. 

The netting or filling in front is in hexagonal weaving through the foundation 
thong above mentioned. The netting in the rear space consists of ten filaments 
passing through the vertical holes in the rear of the hindmost crossbar, and converg- 
ing toward the heel where they are fastened off in the thong that binds the frame 
together. Midway of these longitudinal filaments a cross thong is wrapped in 
bird-cage style to hold them in place. The netting in the foot space is of stout 
thong, rove through the frame at the sides and running parallel. It is wrapped 
twice about the front crossbar and four times about the rear crossbar or cross 
lashing, making meshes which are a compromise between rectangular and hexa- 
gonal weaving. Norton Bay, Alaska. Collected by E. W. Nelson. 

(Cat. No. 4T>4<K», I'. S. N T . M.) 

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Report of National Museum, 1894.— Mason. PLATE 1 1 . 

Netted Snowshoes. 
Nortou Bay, Alaska. 

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r- r. x """• - T 

'/ . x - < • -. - -_ 

.* . ". ^ 

- 2.- !.&.- ^^ T-a— n .- j — - :zl: . & ** 

* S"- *- 'J 


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jGoogle- — 

Report of National Museum. 1894. -Mason. 

Netted Snowshoes. 

Inpalik of Nulato, Alaska. 

Plate 12. 

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Netted Snowshoes. 

These shoes are broad in front. The frames are made of two pieces of rounded 
wood, spliced and turned up at the toe, pointed at the heel, and having three 
crossbars let into the frame. There are perforations in the frame around the 
front space and hinder spaces passing vertically through a keeled projection, as 
in lacrosse sticks. The frame alongside the middle of the foot space has six holes 
bored quite through for the cross lashing. The main crossbars have vertical J>er- 
f orations on the margins away from the foot space. The short crossbar U not 
perforated and the frame sticks do not bulge out at this point. 

The netting, front and rear, is of babiche in hexagonal weaving, done into a set 
of loops around the inner margin of the frame and tied by single knots into 
V-shaped perforations. 

The foot netting is of stout rawhide in parallel or rectangular weaving, the 
fore-and-aft lines being doubled and twisted about the transverse set. This speci- 
men is a transition form between the irregular and the hexagonal style of footing. 

Ingalik of Nulato, Alaska. Collected by E. W. Nelson. 

MVit. N~o. VMW. V. S. X. M.t 

~~" — - 

Report of Nar.onal Museum. 1 894. — Mainr.. 

Netted Snowshoes. 

Ingnlik of Nulato, Alaska. 

Plate 12. 

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which they are very expert, and strong birch bark canoes with the 
uj>per Yukon and Shageluk people. 

Example No. 38873 is a pair of snowshoes from the mouth of the 
Yukon Biver, Alaska, collected from the Eskimo by E. W. Nelson. They 
are nearly flat, the frame rounded in section and roughly made. Toe 
rounded, heel pointed. Toe and heel netting destroyed, but formerly 
made of sinew twine ; the foot netting of hide thong. Both shoes alike. 
Length, 3(54 inches; width, 9£ inches. The noteworthy feature in these 
specimens is the manipulation of the foot thong, which is rove througli 
the front crossbar and the sides of the frame, and is carried around the 
hind crossbar. The first meshes in the rear are suggestive of hexagonal 
weaving, but this design is arrested by the second cross line, and the 
six fore and aft strands are made parallel in pairs. These by simply 
rising and falling as in a common warp hold the cross lines from sagging. 
The rest under the ball of the foot is simple and effective, and affords 
an explanation of the more elaborate construction of this part else- 

Example No. 49099 (pi. 12) is a pair of snowshoes from Nulato (64°, 40', 
158°, NW.), Alaska, collected from the Ingalik Indians (Athapascan) by 
E. W. Nelson. Round toe, strongly curved up; long, pointed heel. Toe 
and heel netting of twisted deer sinew; foot netting and foot loop of 
thong. Rights and lefts. Example No. 8812, collected by Dall, is similar 
to the foregoing. The short crossbar near the trailer should be noticed 
as leading up to a similar device further on with a new function. 

Example No. 127941 is a pair of snowshoes from Putnam River, Alaska, 
collected by Lieutenant Stoney, U. S. N. The frame is in cross section, 
rounded at the toe and curved up; the heel is long and pointed; toe 
and heel netting of twined deer sinew; the foot netting and loops of 
strong walrus-hide thong. Length, 54 inches; width, 8£. 

Simpson, in his journal, says that snowshoes are so seldom used iu 
the North where the drifted snow presents a hard surface to walk upon 
that not half a dozen pairs were iu existence at Point Barrow at the 
time of his sojourn ( 1853-55), ' and those were of an inferior sort. Mur- 
doch thinks the Point Barrow Eskimo learned to make the finer sort 
from the people of Kuwuk River, who have trading relations with the 
Indians, and in Simpson's time the Kuwuk people used the Indian shoe. 
Murdoch thus describes the present Point Barrow shoe: 

Snowshoes (tnglu) of a very efficient pattern and very well made are now uni- 
versally employed at Point Barrow. Although the suow never lies very deep on 
the ground, and is apt to pile up in hard drifts, it is sufficiently deep and soft 
in many places, especially on the grassy parts of the tundra, to make walking 
without snowshoes very inconvenient and fatiguing. I have even seen tnem used 
on the sea ice for crossing level spaces when a few inches of snow had fallen. 
Each shoe consists of a rim of light wood bent into the shape of a pointed 
oval, about five times as long as the greatest breadth, and much bent up at the 
rounded end, which is the toe. The sides are braced apart by two stout crossbars 

1 Simpson, "Narrative of Discoveries of the North Coast of America," p. 2-i'A. 

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(toe and heel bar), a little farther apart than the length of the wearer's foot. The 
space between these two bars is netted in large meshes (foot netting), with stout 

thong for the foot to rest upon, and the spaces at the 
ends are closely netted with fine deerskin "babiche," 
or sinew thread (toe and heel netting). The straps for 
the foot are fastened to the foot netting in such a way 
that while the strap is firmly fastened round the ankle 
the snowshoe is slung to the toe. The wearer walks 
with long, swinging strides, lifting the toe of the shoe 
at each step, while the tail or heel drags in the snow . 
The straps are so contrived that the foot can be slipped 
in and out of them without touching them with the 
fingers, a great advantage in cold weather. 

Example No. 88912 is a pair of snowshoes 
from Point Barrow collected by Captain Ray 
and described by Murdoch. (Fig. 81.) The 
rim is of willow, 51 inches long and 10 J- inches 
wide at the broadest part, and is made of two 
strips about 1 inch thick and three- fourths of 
an inch wide, joined at the toe by a long lap 
splice, held together by four short horizontal 
or slightly oblique stitches of thong. Each 
strip is elliptical in section, with the long axis 
vertical, and keeled on the inner face,, except 
between the bars. Each is tapered off consid- 
erably from the toe bar to the toe, and slightly 
tapered toward the heel. The two points are 
fastened together by a short horizontal stitch 
of baleen. The tip is produced into a slight 
trailer, and the inner side of each shoe is 
slightly straighter than the outer — that is to 
say, they are " rights and lefts." 

The bars are elliptical in section, flattened, 
and have their ends mortised into the rim. 
They are about a foot apart, and of oak, tbe 
toe bar 9.2 inches long and the heel bar 8.5. 
Both are of the same breadth and thickness, 1 
inch by one-half inch. There is also an extra 
bar for strengthening the back part of the 
shoe 10 inches from the point. It is of oak, 
4.8 inches long, one-half inch wide, and three 
tenths of an inch thick (tig. 82). The toe and 
heel nettings are put on first. Small equi- 
distaut vertical holes through the frame run 
round the inside of each space. Those in the 
rim are drilled through the keel already men- 
tioned, and joined by a shallow groove above and below. Those in the 
bars are about one-half inch from the edge and joined by a groove on the 

Yio. 81. 


From a Cgurv in lh<» Ninth Annual R»M».rr 
<>( On; liurenu of Ethnology. 
Cal. No. SU913. U. S. N. M 

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under side of the toe bar only. Into these holes is laced a piece of 
babiche, which is knotted once into each hole, making a series of beck- 
ets about three-fourths of an inch wide round the inside of the space. 
There are no lacing holes in the parts spliced at the toe, but the lacing 
passes through a bight of each stitch. At the toe bar the lacing is 
carried across from rim to rim about three times, the last part being 
wound round the others. 

On the left shoe the end is brought back on the left-hand side, passed 
through the first hole in the bar from above, carried along in the groove 
on the underside to the next hole, up through this and round the lacing, 
and back through the same hole, the two parts being twisted together 
between the bar and lacing. This is continued, " stopping" the lacing 
in festoons to the bar, to the last hole on the right, where it is finished 
off by knotting the end round the last "stop." 1 

Example No. 89913 is a pair of snowshoes from Point Barrow, shorter 
and broader than those just described. The hinder bar is of walrus 
ivory. They are 48£ inches long and 11 broad. The two shoes are not 
perceptibly different in shape. The lacing, which is of sinew braid, is 
put on in the same way as on the pre- 
ceding pair, except that it is fastened 
directly into the holes on the toe bars. 
The whole of the heel netting is in one 
piece, and made precisely in the same 
way as the point nettings of the first 
pair, the end being carried up the 


middle to the point of the heel, and shoe. 

brought down again to the bar, as on *«»«» » «««"> ln th « N,ath Anna » I R *** ,rt of th » Bur *» u 

the toe nettings, but fastened with 

marling hitches. The number of strauds is the same in each shoe — 

twenty-three in each set. The toe nettings follow quite- regularly the 

pattern of the preceding pair. 

The shoes are not quite the same size, as the right has 35, 35, and 28 
strands, and the left 33, 33, and 25, in each set, respectively. There is 
no regular rule about the number of strands in auy part of the netting, 
the object being simply to make the meshes always about the same 
size. The foot netting is made of stout and very white thong from the 
bearded seal. These shoes have no strings. 

No. 89914 [1738] is a pair of rather small shoes from Utkiavwlii, one 
of which is shown iu fig. 83. They are rights and lefts, and are 42 
inches long by 10 broad. The frame is wholly of oak, and differs from 
the type only in having no extra hind bar, and haviug the heel and toe 
bars about equal in length. The points are fastened together with a 
treenail, as well as with a whalebone stitch. The heel nettings are put 
on with perfect regularity, as on the pair last described, but the toe 

•Cf. Murdoch, Ninth Ann. Kep. Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 344-352, tigs. 350-354, for 
minute details of making and weaving. 

Fig. 82. 

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nettings, though they start in the usual way, do not follow any regular 

rule of succession, the rounds being put on sometimes inside and 

sometimes outside of the preceding, till the whole space is filled. The 

foot nettings are somewhat clumsily made, especially on the right shoe, 

which appears to have been broken in several places, and "cobbled" 

by an unskillful workman. There are only five 

transverse strands which are double on the left 

shoe, and the longitudinal strands are not 

whipped to these, but interwoven, and each pair 

twisted together between the transverse strands. 

There is no wattling back of the toe hole, and 

one pair of longitudinal strands at the side of 

the latter is not doubled on the left shoe. The 

strings are put on as on the type, except that 

the ends are knotted instead of being spliced. 

This pair of shoes was used by Mr. Murdoch 

during the winters 1881-82 and 1882-83, while 

serving on the International Polar Expedition 

as naturalist and observer. 

Example No. 38874 is a pair of snowshoes from 
Lake Iliamna (59°, 154°, NW.), Alaska, between 
Bristol Bay and Cooks Inlet, and at the eastern 
extremity of Alaskan Peninsula, collected from 
the Kenai Indians by E. W. Nelson. Frame 
rounded in sectiou, netting of deer-sinew twine 
rove through the frame. Toe round and strongly 
curved up 5 heel pointed. Rights and lefts. 
Length, 51 J inches; width, 12£. 

Examples Nos. 72240 and 72241 (pi. 13) are 
snowshoes from Bristol Bay, Alaska, collected 
from the Indians (Tinu6). The frame is square 
in section, toe rounded and strongly curved up, 
heel long and pointed. Toe and heel netting of 
twined deer sinew, foot netting of stroug raw- 
hide thong, all rove through the frame. They 
are rights and lefts, and have the typical toe and 
heel straps. Length, 44 inches; width, 9$. 

Example No. 63558 (pi. 14) is a pair of snow- 
shoes collected at Sitka, Alaska, by J. J. McLean. 
It must be remembered that Sitka is the marine 
entrepdt for all the surrounding region. Trade goes to the interior 
of the continent up Lynn Canal and Chilkat River, and over the 
passes to the headwaters of the Yukon River. The snowshoes here 
described, and others, therefore, are Thine, or Athapascan. The long, 
slender frame, rounded section, round toe bent up, and long, tapering 
heel are typical. Toe and heel netting of babiche close and fine. Foot 

Fig. 83. 


From :i fiKurtMii the Ninth Annual Report 
of the Bureau of Ethnology. 
Cat. No. 89914, U. 8. N. M. 

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Netted Snowshoes. 

These specimens are not mates. They are spatulate in form, each space having 
its peculiar shape. The frame is in two pieces neatly spliced in front, round in 
section, much turned up at the toe, long pointed at the heel, and has three cross- 
bars let into it. In this example each crossbar modifies the outline. There are 
V-shaped perforations about the front and rear spaces, in the middle of the long 
crossbars, as well as in their outer margins, and quite through the frames along- 
side the foot space. The short crossbar is not perforated. 

The netting is hexagonal in front, built up on a thong knotted into V-shaped 
perforations of the frame and into the vertical perforations of the crossbar. In 
the rear space, owing to its elongated triangular form, the weft, as it might be 
called, is twined once from warp to warp, which is neatly let into V-shaped bor- 
ings through the frame. In this Bristol Bay type t)ie foot rest is in rectangular 
weaving with double and twisted longitudinal filaments. The rest for the ball of 
the foot and opening for the toes is formed by neatly wrapping the rawhide 
thong at this point. 

Bristol Bay, Alaska. Collected by Charles L. McKay. 

(Cut. No. 72V2\. r. S.N. M.,» 

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Report of National Museum, 1894— Mason. PLATE 13. 

Netted Snowshoes. 

Bristol Bay, Alaska. 

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Netted Snowshoes. 

These specimens are leaf -shaped, suddenly tapering at the heel, and are not 
mates. The frames are in two pieces, spliced and neatly wrapped in front, pointed 
oval in section, and well turned up at the toe. This is much more the case in one 
specimen than in the other. They are bluntly pointed at the heel and have three 
crossbars. The perforations of the frame run vertically through a keel on the 
inner side of the front and hind space quite through at the sides of the foot space, 
while there are none whatever in the crosspieces. except a long slit for obvious rea- 
sons in front of the toe openings. 

Netting, hexagonal, front and rear, and quadrangular in the foot space. 

The leaf -shape and the abrupt heel curve should be noted. 

Sitka. Alaska. Collected by J. J. McLean. 

(Cat. No. <B558, U. S. N. M.) 

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Report of National Museum, 1 894.- Mason. PLATE 1 4. 

Netted Snowshoes. 
Sitka, Alaska. 

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Netted Snowshoes. 

These specimens are long and irregular. The frames are in two pieces, spliced 
and lashed together in front, pointed oval in section, and much turned up at the 
toe, having three crossbars and being wedge-shaped behind the third. The perf o- 
rations of the frame around the front and rear spaces are vertical. There are no 
perforations for the foot lashing in the frames or crossbars. A slit is cut in the 
front crossbar before the toe space. 

Netting, in hexagonal weaving, done on a thong knotted into the vertical perfo- 
rations and about the long erossl>ar8. Foot netting, in coarse hexagonal weaviug 
wrapped about the crossbars and frame. Extra thong and wrapping form the 
rest for the ball of the foot and toe space. 

Sitka, Alaska. Collected by J. G. Swan. 

(Cat. No 20783, U. 8. N. M. » 

Notk.— Snowshoes are not worn in Sitka. SpecimenH brought then* are from the C'hilkrtt 
country and the head waters of the Yukon. 

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Report of National Museum, 1894.— Mason PLATE 1 5. 

Netted Snowshoes. 

Sitka, Alaska. 

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Netted Snowshoes. 

The frames are of two pieces of wood squared and tapered, spliced and lashed 
together in front, nearly sharp and much turned up at the toe, pointed at the heel 
with short trailers. There are four crossbars, three of which are in front. The 
perforations of the frame are V-shaped in front and rear, and wanting about the 
foot space, excepting three in the crossbar in front of the foot lacing. 

The netting in all the spaces is hexagonal, and of different fineness. In the 
front and rear spaces, by omitting cross threads and twining the diagonals, a 
beautiful lace- work effect is produced. The lacing of the foot rest is about the 
framework, excepting the two front cross lines under the ball of the foot. Those 
are rove through the frame, doubled and twisted. The decorations are tufts of 
red yarn gathered into the knots of the thong into which the network is done. 
The device to prevent the toe of the moccasin from wearing the loops of the front 
netting is noteworthy. 

Fort Simpson. Mackenzie River District. Collected by B. R. Ross. 

(Cat. No. 5d47, U. S. N. M.> 

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Report of Nat.onal Museum, 1894— Mason 

Plate 16. 

Netted Snowshoes. 

Hudson Bay Company's pattern. Fort Simpson, Mackenzie Kiver District, Canada. 

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netting of raw hide rove through the frame. Painted and ornamented 
with beads. Rights and lefts. Length, 49 inches; width, 11|. 

A second pair, collected by McLean from the Ohilkat, has the netting 
of sinew twine instead of babiche (No. 72402). 

Example No. 20783 (pi. 15) is also Ghilkat, collected in Sitka by James 
G. Swan, the lacing being of sinew twine. Paymaster Webster collected 
here a specimen, No. 127614, of the three-brace type, the netting of 
babiche. The Emmous collection in the Museum of Natural History, 
New York, contains au excellent example of the Chilkat transitional 
type of snowshoes. The frame is in two pieces, Athapascan iu type, 
much curved up at the toe, and even incurved or emarginate at the 
extreme front. The toe and the heel netting are of babiche, and not of 
sinew thread. The foot netting is of coarse rawhide thong, but is woven 
with hexagonal mesh. Underneath the inner margin of each shoe the 
black tip of a goat horn is lashed so as to incline backward and catch 
in the snow. It is iu this respect unique. 

Example No. 20783 is a pair of snowshoes procured in Sitka by J. G. 
Swan. They are of great interest iu this connection. The frame and 
crossbars conform to the customary plan of the Kutchin snowshoe. At 
the heel the crossbar marks, as in other examples, a sudden chauge in 
the curve. The toe is properly turned up. But in one particular the 
shoe is typical. The network is not of coarse rawhide laid in quadran- 
gular meshes, but is coarsely woven in the hexagoual mesh. The speci- 
men is in fact a trausitiou between the Eskimo foot netting and the 
refined hexagonal netting of the interior, which grows more and more 
delicate and symmetrical as the Siouan, Chippewa, and Iroquoian 
areas across the boundary between Canada and the United States are 
reached where steel knives are in vogue. 

Example No. 1974 is a pair of snowshoes from the Chippewayan 
Indians, Mackeuzie River, collected by B. R. Ross, used as far as the 
Arctic Coast. The frames are squared in section, in two pieces, pointed 
at both ends, sharply curved up in front. Netting of babiche, close and 
fine, the foot netting being wrapped about the frame and coarser than 
the rest. The frames are painted and ornamented with tufts of worsted 
on the outside. Length, 33£ inches; width, 7£ inches. Mr. Ross also 
collected examples Nos. 2046 and 5647 (pi. 16), model of Chippewayan 
shoe used as far north as the Arctic Coast by the Hudson Bay Com- 
pany's voyageurs. 

Robert Kennicott collected among the Yellow Knife Indians at Fort 
Resolution, Canada, a pair of the pointed models just described, exam- 
ple No. 2045, and examples Nos. 860, 861, and 5646 at Fort Good Hope. 
Of these he says that those of smaller size are for walking behind dog 
sledges. He also says that the voyageurs sometimes use the round- 
toed shoe, but that they preier the pointed kind. 

In the Catlin collection, example No. 73310 National Museum, is 
another example of this type. The foot lacing wrapped about the frame 

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is protected by an additional seizing of cloth. The shoes are fastened 
to the feet by a soft strip of deerskin instead of the hard thong. 

Mackenzie says of the Chippewayan that their snowshoes are of 
superior workmanship. The inner part of the frame is straight, the 
outer one is curved, pointed at both ends, and turned up in front. 
They are also laced with great neatness with thongs made of deerskin. 1 
Especially noteworthy in this connection is the squared frame, lentic- 
ular outline pointed at both ends, the number of crossbars in front, 
the close netting in the foot space, and the soft band of the foot straps. 

An old, worm-eaten specimen in the National Museum from the Catlin 
collection exhibits the ingenious manner in which the frames are bored 
for the cord or line to sustain the toe and heel netting. It will be remem- 
bered that in the Athapascan type the holes are usually vertical through 
a keel or molding on the inside of the frame. But in the Voyageur 
specimens, which are an Algonquian intrusiou into an Athapascan area, 
two small holes are made in the frame, at the middle of the inner face, 
near together, and so inclined as to meet about the middle of the wood 
on the outer face. One of the holes continues on through to enable 
the workman to push the thread through and back, coming out at a 
hole other than the one in which it entered. The thread is then pulled 
tight and tied in a single knot. This laborious process is repeated at 
intervals of an inch on the frames for the foot and heel netting. The 
holes in the crossbars are bored down straight through. 

The sort of weaving practiced on all the Athapascan and Algonquian 
snowshoes is paralleled in the cedar bark weaving of the north Pacific 
Coast and in Japan. The filaments pass in three directions, crossing 
each other at an angle of 60 degrees and leaving hexagonal interstices. 
But in the old example now considered, features of textile work are 
introduced that are seen in the net work of the Yuma tribes of 
southern California, and thence southward, also in grass work from the 
Aleuts, and occasionally in bark work from the Pacific Coast. The 
regular three direction or hexagonal weaving is interrupted here and 
there by the omission of a cross filament. In such case the two diagonal 
filaments make a half turn, a whole turn, a turn and a half, and so on 
about each other, leaving elongated hexagons flauked by twine. By an 
alteration in the spaciug along the crossbar, rows of wider spacing are 
carried diagonally across the netting. 2 

The Cree snowshoe is flat, squared off in front, sharp behind, has two 
broad crossbars, and is finely netted in the three spaces. 

The Chippewayan snowshoes are of superior workmanship, and are 
rights and lefts, pointed at both ends, turned up in front, and laced 
with thongs of deerskin. 

Example Xo. 1975 is a pair of snowshoe models. Frames rounded 

1 Mackenzie, "Voyages from Montreal through the Continent of North America," 
Philadelphia, 1802, p. cxx. 

2 Compare figures of carrying baskets from Japan and figure 92. 

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in cross section, toe rounded and slightly curved up ; long, broadened 
heel, terminating in short, sharp point. Toe and heel netting of 
babiche, or fine line cut from deer hide. Foot netting of rawhide thong, 
painted red by rubbing with earth and ornamented with beads. Length, 
21 inches; width, 4§; collected on the Yukon River from the Koyukon 
l Indians (Athapascan) by B. E. Ross and W. L. Hardisty. Example 

^ No. 5569 from the Koyukon, collected by W. H. Dall, differs little from 
the above. 

Examples Nos. 7470 and 7471 are snowshoe models from the 
Kutchin Iudians, Fort Anderson, northern Canada, collected by E. 
MacFarlane. Frame rounded in cross section; toe round pointed, 
sharply curved up; broad heel, terminating in sharp, short point. Net- 
ting of babiche, close and fine, rove through frame. Foot net of babiche, 
but coarser and more open. The frames are painted and the netting is 
ornamented with bead work in blue, red, and black. Length, 33 inches; 
width, 9. Especial attention is asked to the fact that east of the Yukon 
drainage the foot netting changes and becomes like that of the toe and 
the heel space, while those already described have the foot netting like 
the Eskimo and Aiuo types. 

Example No. 1330 is a pair of snowshoe models from the Kutchin 
Indiaus, on the Yukon Eiver, collected by Eobert Kennicott. The 
frame is rounded in cross section. Toe rounded and slightly curved 
up; heel abruptly tapered from a short crossbar. Toe and heel net- 

^ ting of babiche, close aud fine. Painted and ornamented with line of 
blue and red beads in middle of toe and heel netting. Length, 29£ 
inches; width, 5 J. Another example, No. 890, from Peels Eiver, col- 
lected by E. Kennicott and C. P. Gaudet, possesses the same characters. 
Example No. 877 is a pair of snowshoes from La Pierre House, Eocky 
Mountains. Frames rounded in section ; toes round and strongly turned 
up; heel terminating abruptly from short crossbar. Toe and heel net- 
ting of babiche, closely woven; foot netting of rawhide rove through 
frame and about the crossbars; they are rights and lefts; collected 
by Eobert Kennicott. They are worn by the Loucheux Indians, of 
Canada. None of these people use the voyageur pointed shoe. Accord- 
ing to Kennicott the small amount of underbrush in the woods renders 
the pointed shoe unnecessary. The type of snowshoes is essentially 
Athapascan. They are found in Alaska, inland all around the coast, 
but they are essentially Indian, though found with Ghilkats or with 
Eskimo on the Yukon or at Point Barrow. The framework is not of 
driftwood, but of alder, birch, or willow, cut green and seasoned into 
shape. Each frame is in two parts, rounded and spliced at the toe, 
pointed at the heel and held into form by flat oval crossbars let into 

^ the sides. The number of bars varies, and it is quite common to notice 
a short bar near the heel let into a gash or "saw cut," at which point 
the frames are abruptly bent toward each other. The amount of 
upcurve at the toe varies greatly. In some localities the shoe is nearly 

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flat, in others the toe stands up more than 6 inches. The cross section 
is well noted by Murdoch, being an elongated ellipse stauding verti- 
cally, with the middle of the inner side angular or keeled to admit of 
the vertical perforations through which is rove and knotted the line or 
thread on which the netting is built up. Of the netting of these shoes 
the toe and heel fabric is similar in all. The foot webbing is partly 
Eskimo or Asiatic, and partly of Southern type. The reason is plain. 
The thinner the shoe sole, the finer the webbing must be. The moc- 
casin is the occasion of the finer and finer web of the South under the 
foot. The material in some examples is of sinew thread or twine, in 
others of babiche or finely cut deerskin dressed. In those areas where 
the deerskin is not depilated the sinew thread is used. 

Snowshoes in the Barren Ground country of Canada are made of 
birch wood and babiche. The former is cut wherever and whenever 
opportunity offers, the trapper never losing a good specimen. The 
wood is worked into shape at leisure. The babiche is cut by the women, 
who spend their leisure thereat, very much as our women do at knitting. 

C. W. Whitney, in Harper's Magazine, figures a pair of snowshoes 
from the Saskatchewan, 1 which are a compromise at the toe between 
the Athapascan round toe and the Hudson Bay sharp toe. 

The carriers on Stuart Lake, British Columbia, are Athapascans, and 
are said by Father Morice to have four styles of snowshoes (aih) under 
different names. 

(1) Kh6 la pas (moccasin end rounded). Frame in one piece, pointed 
oval, long with trailer, similar to the Algonquian and Iroquoian shoes 
about Quebec and Montreal ; the frame of Douglas pine (P. murrayana), 
mountain maple (Acer glabrum), or mountain ash (Pyrus americana). 
Cross sticks of willow or birch, fine lacing of caribou babiche, foot 
lacing of moose-hide thong. 

(2) Let'lu (stitched together). This is the voyageur and the typical 
Sioux snowshoe. Frame in two pieces, turned up in front, pointed at 
both ends, additional crosspieces used, and a line from the toe to the 
long crossbar. The frame is bent by wrapping strips of willow bark 
around it and heating, by cooking it in boiling water, or by pouring boil- 
ing water on it. 

(3) Aih za (snowshoe only). Frame of two pieces, spliced, rounded 
and turned up in front; crossbars, two. In fact, it is the typical 
Athapascan shoe of the North, more commonly used than the others. 

(4) Seskhe (black bear foot). Frame of a single hoop spliced at the 
heel, elliptical, crossbar inserted into a hole through either side. In 
this shoe the elements of weaving are reproduced with coarse thong in 
a clumsy manner. 2 

Father Morice asserts that the double-pointed snowshoe was little 
known among the Tacullies, or Carriers, until thirty or forty years ago, 

» New York, 1805, xcn, pp. 10, 364. 

2 Morice, Trans. Canadian Inst., 181»4 r iv, pp. 152-155, tigs. 141-145, 

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but they were woru by the Tse'kfch ne from time immemorial. He also 
says that before Mackenzie (1793) snowshoes were unknown in the 
western Dene country, except among the Sekanais and Nah'anes. 1 

From Point Barrow around to Bristol Bay, as has been seen, the 
Eskimo wears Indian snowshoes.. The same is true of the Eastern 
Eskimo, as will be seen in the Turner collection. 

Of the Cumberland Gulf Eskimo, Kumlien says that in traveling over 
the frozen wastes in winter they use snowshoes. These are half-moon 
shaped, by which is meant that they are asymmetrical, or rights and 
lefts, aud made of whalebone; that is, the bones of the whale, not 
baleen, with seal-thongs drawn tightly across. They are 16 inches long. 
Another pattern is merely a 
frame of wood, about the same 
length and 8 or 10 inches wide, 
with sealskin thongs for the feet 
to rest on. 2 This form associates 
itself with the rude types about 
Bering Strait. 

Turner describes five varieties 
of snowshoes about Ungava,but 
reduces the forms to four: (1) 
Swallow tail, with tail or trailer; 
(2) beaver tail, kite shaped, 
with nipple-like projection be- 
hind ; (3) round end kite shaped, 
without trailer; (4) single bar, 
frame oval, crossbar in front. 
The single bar specimens have 
also round end. Of these there 
are two varieties, that in which 
the crossbar comes in the mid- 
dle of the foot and that in which 
it is in front of the toes (fig. 84). 

In addition to these there comes 
from Little Whale River a snow- 
shoe of spruce wood, No. 90145, IT. S. National Museum (fig. 85). It is 
shaped like the single bar or round end pattern and looks as though 
it might have been cut out of a toboggan or flat sledge, common in all 
Canada. Two pieces of thin board are fitted together along their mar- 
gins and sewed together with thong. Across them near the front'and 
the rear a batten is sewed by a continuation of buttonhole stitches or 
half hitches. Just behind the front batten is the hole for giving free 
action and grip to the toes. In use the shoe is turned smooth side 
down and battens up. Turner says that this variety is used on soft 

Fig. 84. 


From n figure in the Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. 

Cat. No. 90023, IT. S. N. M. 

1 Proc. Canadian lust. (Series 3), vn, p. 131. 
fl Bull. U. S. Nat. Mus., No. 15, 1879, p. 42. 

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snow. In the spring the netted shoe becomes clogged. These may be 
made in a few hours, while the ne ted shoe requires several days of 
arduous labor. 1 

The reader must look in the hyperborean region of the Old World 
for the skee or snowshoe made of boards. 

Example No. 1)0151 is a pair of snowshoes from Ungava, Canada, 
collected by Lueien M. Turner (fig. 8(>). In the specimen here studied, 
two staves of pine, whittled into rectangular cross section, were spliced 
in front and bent into a kite shape, with somewhat square l>ody and 
three rounded corners. At the fourth or hinder corner or heel the ends, 


Fig. 85. 


Fn.rn h Incur.' in the Ekv.mth Annual Report ..f th.- Bun-nu of Kthnohitj. 
Collected by 1„ M. Turner. 

instead of being spliced, are pushed outward to form a tail, or trailer, 
and sewed together through countersunk holes. This framework is 
not of uniform thickness, but is thickest at the sides, somewhat smaller-- 
at the toe, and much thinner at the trailer. There are tw r o crossbars 
mortised or let into the frame, flat oval in section and curved outward 
from the foot slightly. This specimen, like all others in Mr. Turner's 
collection, lies flat on the ground. 2 

1 Eleventh Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 312. 

2 For the detail, cf. Murdoch, Ninth Ann. Kep. Bureau of Ethnology. 

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The babiche netting of toe and heel is attached by regular hexagonal 
weaving to a border cord which is rove through the frame and obscured 
in countersunk cavities on the outside. Along the crossbars the toe 
and foot netting are laced into a border cord laid under the loops of 
the foot netting, excepting in front of the foot space where the border 
cord is rove through the crossbar. The netting of the foot space is 
woven hexagonally out of coarser babiche. Especially noteworthy is 
the tough band of hide forming the front border of this network, pass- 
ing straight from either side of the frame to the foot space, where it is 
curved backward and held in form by stout bracings of hide. Under 
the toes it is sewed with 
babiche. On the right and 
left margins the network 
does not pass entirely out- 
ward to a border cord rove 
through the frame, but the 
bends make double loops 
about the frame at each ex- 
cursion and are gathered 
into a straight selvage. 
This central web is also 
looped to the crossbars. 
The shoe is attached to the 
foot by a soft band of buck- 
skin forming toe and heel 
loop. 1 

Example No. 90149 (fig. 
87) is a pair of snowshoes 
collected in Ungava, north 
of Labrador, by Lucien 
Turner. In most particu- 
lars this specimen resembles 
that last described, except- 
ing that the width is still 
more disproportionate to the 
length and near the heel the 
frame on either side bends 
outward and then sharply inward, forming a tongue-shaped end, and 
quite aptly called a beaver tail. Many of the long, slender Athapas- 
can shoes reverse the process and near the heel begin suddenly to 
narrow. In this example the shoe is made of two pieces of wood in 
form of a loop or oxbow spliced together on the sides of the foot space, 
the hinder bow laid inside the forward bow precisely as in the Aino 
specimen. The spliced portions are held in position by the loops of the 

1 Turner, Eleventh Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, pi. xi. 
H. Mis. 90, pt. 2 26 

Fig. 86. 



From n figure in the Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Klhnolnfj. 

Cat. No. 90151, U. S. N. M. Collected by I.. M. Turner. 

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foot netting passing around them. Examples Nos. 90145 to 90153, 
collected by Turner, are also of the same general form and finish. One 
of these is shown in fig. S8. They are from Ungava, and were used, 
as were the others just described, by the Nenenot. In these examples 
the frames are made in one piece, spliced at the side of the foot space 
and held fast by the loops of the netting which encircle it. 

In all of the specimens gathered by Lucien M. Turner the mechan- 
ical work is excellent. The babiche is very white and clean and uniform 
in each space. The attractiveness is in the uniformity. No. 90022 (i\^. 
89) is called by its collector a single-bar snowshoe. The frame is of 

a single piece of wood. 
For these birch is preferred, 
but spruce and larch are 
generally used. The frame- 
work is rectangular in cross 
section, with rounded cor- 
ners. The crossbar is a 
wide piece of wood mor- 
tised at its ends into the 
framework and rounded up 
along its middle. Four eye- 
lets are worked in the tex- 
ture for the lacing. The 
arch of the footof the walker 
rests on the bar. This is a 
novel idea in American 

Example No. 90023, as in 
fig. 84, is another type of 
Nenenot single-bar snow- 
shoe collected by Mr. Tur- 
ner. The framework is of 
two pieces spliced at the 

Fiji. 87. 

front 'liicl rcir The cross- 


not Indians, Labrador. bar is mortised into the 

From a figure in the Eleventh Annual KciK.rt of th* Bureau of Kthtiolowr. fraiDC Ueai* CnOUgll tOWaFd 

Cat. N... 901 49, V. S. N. M. , . « , , ,, ,, « . 

the front to allow the foot 
to rest on the network in the middle of the shoe. It will be noticed by 
the drawing that the lacing of deerhide thong is rove through the 
frame in front and looped around the frame in the rear portion, which 
is both foot space and heel space. The Eskimo name for the round 
shoe is ablakatautik. 

The Montagnais of Labrador wear clothing of tawed deerskin. As 
nearly all the skins of the reindeer are used for garments, the northern 
stations about Fort Chimo furnish great numbers of these skins in the 

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Netted Snowshoes. 

Fig. 1. Modern Elliptical Form used by Hunters in the Adirondacks. 
Broad, short type. The frame is of one piece of squared and tapered 
wood, bent. It is spliced and lashed with rawhide at the heel, perfectly 
flat, slightly oval, and has two broad crossbars let into the frame. There 
are no perforations in the frame, bnt eight holes are bored through the 
front crossbar for the twisted thongs that support the footing. The foot 
space occupies nearly all the interior, the front and the rear space being 

The netting is of tough rawhide in hexagonal weaving, the thong 
being fastened at each round by a loose knot or double half hitch 
around the frame, crossbar, or footing. The thong is rove through 
the front crosspiece, and twined between it and the footing. The shoe 
is fastened on with buckled bands and straps. Collection of Maj. 
Charles Bendire, U. S. A. 

(Cat. No. 138830. U. S. N. M. > 

Fig. 2. Netted Snowshoe of Aloon^uian Indians of Northern Labrador 
and Unqava. Broad, oval type. The frame is of one piece of squared 
and tapered wood, bent, spliced, and lashed together at the side, per- 
fectly flat, oval or kite shaped, having two stout, curved crossbars let 
into the frame. The curves are set to take the strain of the foot netting. 
There are V shaped perforations in the frame around the front and rear 
spaces, and three holes are bored through the front crosspiece over 
against the footing. 

The lacing is of very fine babiche or deerskin thong, woven in hexag- 
onal pattern over a selvage thong, knotted into the V-shaped holes 
continuously about the frame, and caught under the foot-space loops 
along the crosspieces. The netting of the central space is caught around 
the frame and crossbars by double half hitches, as in the foregoing speci- 
men, but also neatly looped about the footing thong. This example is 
fastened to the foot by a soft buckskin thong. Collected by Lucien 
M. Turner. 

(Cat. No. 90H7, U. S. N. M.) 

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Report of National Museunr., 1894. Mason. PLATE 17. 

Netted Snowshoes. 

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parchment condition to be purchased by the mountaineers, who cut them 
into fine lines for snowshoe netting and other purposes. 1 

Mr. Henry G. Bryant, of the University of Pennsylvania, brought 
from the interior of Labrador a pair of Montagnais snowshoes almost 
circular, conforming to the pattern of those figured by Turner. There 
are two strong braces and a short trailer. 

In this same connection should be introduced a modern snowshoe, 
example No. 126839 (pi. 17, figs. 1 and 2). collected in the Adirondacks 
by Major C. E. Bendire, U. S. A. The frame is of hard wood, probably 
oak, bent into oval form, a little wider in front, and spliced at the heel 
by a series of half hitches. 
It lies flat on the ground, as 
intheNeneuot examples from 
Ungava. The crossbars are 
very near the toe and the heel, 
and there is no attempt at net- 
ting. The netting of the foot 
space is of the best rawhide 
laid on by hexagonal weav- 
ing, as in all the other speci- 
mens from Canada. The net- 
ting is not worked about the 
space for the toes,but the stout 
thong of the foot-rest passes 
straight across and is sus 
tained by continuing the diag- 
onal filaments of the network 
and reevin g them through the 
crossbar. At the heel they 
form double loops about the 
crossbar, and at the side the 
fastening is by half hitches. 
The foot is held in place by 
a leather band with buckles, 
an adjustable strap passing 
around the heel. The principle of attachment is the same everywhere. 

According to Lewis II. Morgan, the Iroquois wore a wide snowshoe, 
as will appear in the following description : 

The snowshoe, ga-weh-ga, is nearly 3 feet in length by about 16 
inches in width. A rim of hickory, bent round with an arching front, 
and brought to a point at the heel, constituted the frame, with the 
addition of crosspieces to determine its spread. Within the area, with 
the exception of an opening for the toe, was woven a network of deer- 
skin strings, with interstices about an inch square. The ball of the 

Fig. 88. 



From .i figure in the Elrventh Annual Report of thw Bureau of Ethnology. 

Cat No. 90U7, U. S. N. M. 

1 Turner, Eleventh Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 181. 

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foot was lashed at the edge of this opening with thongs which passed 
also around the heel for the support of the foot. The heel was left free to 
work up and down, and the opening was'designed to allow the toes of the 
foot to descend below the surface of the shoe, as the heel is raised in 
the act of walking. It is a very simple invention, but exactly adapted 
for its uses. A person familiar with the snowshoe can walk as rapidly 
with it on the snow as without it upon the ground. The Senecas affirm 
that they can walk 50 miles per day upon snowshoes, and with much 
greater rapidity than without them, in consequence of the length and 
uniformity of the step. In the bear hunt, especially, it is of the greatest 

service, as the hunter can 
speedily overtake the bear, 
who, breaking through the 
crust, is enabled to move but 
slowly. 1 

Examples Nos. 24788 (pi. 
18) and 24789 are modern 
snowshoes used by hunters 
and trappers of St. Law- 
rence Valley and manufac- 
tured by Renfrew & Co., of 
Quebec. The frame is made 
of a single stave of hickory, 
rectangular in cross section. 
The two braces are of beech 
or oak. In form the shoe is 
elongated, kite-shaped, with 
a trailer 9 inches long. It 
is broad across the middle, 
bluntly rounded at the toe, 
and slightly curved up. The 
w U(1 netting is said to be of the 

Fig. 89. < ° 


not Indians, labkador. sinew of the Caribou (Ran- 

From n figure iu the Eleventh Annunl Rrporl of th« Bureau of Ethnology. (jiff? t(lVCLTldUft\ Tllfi foot 

Cat. No. 900*}, U. S. N.;M. * . - , - J J , 

netting is looped about the 
frame at the sides and passes about the braces by single turns. At 
the distance of an inch or more from the framework there is a selvage 
where the weaving commences, and outside of this the filaments are 
twined and act as a series of slings. The same is true of the toe and 
heel netting. There is first a border cord rove through a series of 
double holes in the frame, countersunk on the outside, but not so well 
concealed as in the old voyageur specimen. This border cord passes 
along the outer margin of the crossbars, between the wood and the 
loops of the foot netting. Indeed, both sets of network hang on this 

1 Lewis II. Morgau, "League of the Iroquois/' 1851, pp. 376-377. 

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Modern Club Snowshoes from Montreal. 

The frame is of one piece of squared and tarred wood, bent at the toe, and 
united at the heel by a thong rove through two perforations, quite flat, abruptly 
rounded at the toe, with two crossbars let into the frame. The perforations in 
the frame are V-shaped, but in the front crossbar three holes are bored for the 
netting thong or selvage. 

The netting is of fine rawhide thong, woven hexagonally about the knotted 
thong or about the framework. The netting does not in any one of the spaces 
reach the woodwork, but at the end of each excursion the filament is twisted a 
definite number of times. The edge of the woven space is afterwards whipped 
around with a separate thong. This makes a neat and pretty ornament. Gift of 
Renfrew and Company, manufacturers. 

(Cat. No. 247SH, U. S. N. M.) 


Report of National Museum, 1894.— Mason. PLATE 18. 

Modern Club Snowshoes. 

Montreal. Canada. 

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Netted Snowshoes. 

This is an old pair found in the Varden collection, United States Patent Office. 
The frame is of one piece of squared and tapered wood, bent, and joined at the heel, 
forming a short trailer. It is quite flat, and is provided with two crosspieces let into 
the frame. The perforations in the frame for the selvage thong of the netting, are. 
V-shaped, and. as in all the other examples, they meet a little way within the outer 
side of the frame, so that the bend in the thong is countersunk or concealed. There 
are no holes at all about the central space, hence this was a very strong shoe. 

The netting is all of buckskin thong, thicker in the foot space. The weaving is 
done immediately through the selvage thong about the frames, but it is twisted 
and looped around an additional thong athwart the crosspieces. On the hinder 
bar this added thong is caught under the double ends of the central space weaving, 
and furthermore is held in place by an extra winding of thong. 

The netting of the central space is looped about the frame and crossbars by a 
curious knot, consisting of a half hitch, and a plain wrap instead of the conven- 
tional loop knot. (See plate 18. fig. 1, rear crossbar.) The cross thongs that form 
the footing are swung to the front crossbar by six stout thongs, doubled twice, and 
neatly wrapped with the same. Instead of perforations in the front crossbar, a 
stout thong is wrapped about the middle, to hold the front netting and prevent 
abrasion by the moccasin. 

Canada. Collected by J. Varden. 

(Cat. Nos. 1755, 17.56, U. S. N. M.) 

gitized by* 


Report of National Museum, 1894. — Mason. PLATE 19. 

Netted Snowshoes. 


Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


cord. At the ends of the crossbars and in the middle of the front bar 
the cord is rove through and knotted with a single tie. 

The footband is a broad strap of soft buckskin, under which the toe 
of the moccasin passes. The ends of this band pass through eyelets 
worked in the netting and then are laced about the heel and ankle. 
These eyelets appear on one of Turner's single-bar snowshoes from 
Ungava. Length, 42 inches; width, 12 J inches. Other examples of 
this type in the National Museum are Nos. 1755 and 1756 in the collec- 
tion of the National Institute, and No. 18826 from the St. Regis Iroquois 
Reservation, New York (pi. 19). 

The Cree Indians around Winnipeg, on the authority of Dr. E. R. 
Young, have two or three pairs of snowshoes each. They are of the 
turned-up and pointed variety, formed of two pieces. One pair is made 
just the height of the man. These are for long journeys after deer, etc. 
The hunter will carry in his hand a long pole, to the end of which is 
lashed his hunting knife, and when he runs down the game he soon dis- 
patches it with his extemporized lance. Another pair of snowshoes 
is used for home hunting, and the third pair around his home. The 
women do not wear a different shoe from the men. The shoes are 
rights and lefts. 

Example No. 73308 in the National Museum, in the Catlin collection, 
is of the same type. 

Two of the oldest and most interesting specimens of snowshoes in 
the National Museum from the Algonquian are Nos. 1755 and 1756, 
above-mentioned. The frame is rectangular in the cross sections, and 
consists of a single piece, smallest at the toe, widening and thickening 
toward the foot rest, and tapering again toward the trail. There are 
three crossbars, one small one in front and two rounded sticks border- 
ing the foot space. The netting of the toe and heel space is in hexag- 
onal weaving attached all round by a series of loops rove through the 
frame on the sides and caught under the lashing of the foot space along 
the crossbars. This weaving is made of very finely cut deerskin (or 
babiche) woven with great care. The netting of the foot space is of 
coarser babiche, and passes around the crosspieces and the frame on the 
outside. The hexagonal weaving and the strong rawhide piece on which 
the ball of the foot rests are all swung from the frame by a twine an 
inch long on the sides, and in front 3 inches long, the front lines being 
also wrapped or marled with rawhide. The knots by which the foot 
netting is attached to the frame on the sides are called the clove hitch, 
and along the front foot bar the knots are fastened off with half hitches. 
The small line to which the front netting is attached, and also the cross 
line which forms the sling of the foot netting, in passing from one knot 
to another is fastened down with what sailors call the marline hitch. 
Around the border of the foot netting — in order to strengthen it — there 
is an additional twining or wrapping of babiche to keep the meshes in 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



Examples Nos. 19116 to 19119 are modern snowshoes made in Mar- 
quette, Mich., and given to the National Museum by T. Meads. A pair 

of these is shown in pi. 20. They repre- 
sent the western Canadian idea of perfec- 
tion as the Eenfrew examples do the 
eastern. The frame is rectangular, flat, 
squared in front and cut a little thicker 
in the middle of the front. They are wide 
in the middle, taper more abruptly than 
the eastern specimens and have not such 
long trailers. Furthermore, the babiche 
is finer and the netting goes snug up to 
the frame everywhere excepting the front 
and hinder margin of the foot net. The 
square-toed snowshoe is geographically 
located south of the double-pointed voy- 
ageur type and west of the flat, round front 
type. It is the snowshoe of the Western 
lakes. Examples in the Museum are Nos. 
73307-73310, Catlin collection, possibly 
Chippewa No. 2651 from the War Depart- 
ment, no tribe given; and Nos. 154369- 
154371 collected among the Menimonee by 
Dr. W. J. Hoffman. 

In Glen Island Museum of Natural His- 
tory, New York, are exhibited Nick S toner's 
snowshoes, of the double-pointed type. 
They are square in cross section,turned up 
in front, the two pieces riveted together 
with iron. There are two crossbars, no toe 
and heel netting, and the rawhide lacing 
is wrapped around frame and crosspieces. 
Again and again it was said, when study- 
ing the Mackenzie Eiver snowshoe, that 
the voyageurs and white agents of the 
Hudson Bay, while they walked on the 
round-ended shoe, preferred these sharp 
at the ends for tripping. In Catlin's pic- 
tures (Smithsonian Report 1883, II, pi. 
99), this pointed shoe occurs with Siouan 
label. Indeed, this variety may be called 
temporarily the Siouan type (fig. 90). It 
is an exalted form of the Chukchi type, 
consisting in this case of the outer frame 
of two pieces square in cross section, irregularly lenticular in outline 
and turned up at both ends and resembles that of the Tsekehne. 

Fig. 90. 



Cat. No. 2730, U. S. N. M C..I letted by the War 


Digitized by 



Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Modern Netted Snowshoes. 

The frame is of one piece of squared and tapered wood, cut in ogee curve on the 
inside of the toe. It is bent almost square in front, and joined together at the heel 
with a short trailer; flat, somewhat short and broad, and having two crossbars set 
well front and back. The front and rear netting is very light, and is attached to 
the knotted selvage thong in the usual way. The ingenuity of the maker has 
exhausted itself on the long central space. The noteworthy features are: 

(1) The hexagonal weaving in stout thong. 

(2) The double loop knots about the frame. 

(3) The single loops about the crosspieces, inclosing at the same time the selvage 
thong of the front and rear netting, and the long twisted ends that form these 

(4) The quadruple cross thong for the footing. 

(5) The neat slings holding the footing to the front crossbar. 

(6) The absence of holes in the wood anywhere about the middle space. 

The ornamentation on the outside is formed by tufts of different-colored yarns, 
caught under the knots in the selvage thong where it is tied through the frame. 
Grand Rapids, Mich. Gift of Mead and Company, manufacturers. 
(Cat. Nos. 191 16-19119, U. 8. N. M. ) 

Digitized by VjOOQI.6 

Report of Nanonal Museum. 1894 - Masr-n PLATE 20. 


Modern Netted SnOwshoes. 

Grand Rapids, Michigan. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Rude Snowshoes. 

These are old specimens from the western territories. The frames, the breadth 
of which is greater than the length, are made of rough poles, skinned, spliced, and 
clumsily wrapped at the front. There are no crosspieces nor perforations. The 
entire interior is like the central space of the Alaskan ruder forms, and must be 
so studied. The foot rest is at the front, made by doubling and twisting the thong. 
It is quite possible that long handling may have disturbed the radiating thong. 
The twist, which is so beautifully handled in better specimens, is here in embryo. 
The curious loop of single turn and half hitch may be noted. Mr. Eells describes 
in the " American Antiquarian" (vol. x) precisely this form of snowshoe among 
the Salishan triljes from Puget Sound eastward. Snowshoes are also reported from 
the cliff-dwellings of the Mesa Verde. Collected by the War Department. 

(Cat. No. 2721*, U. S. X. M.) 

Digitized , by V 


Report of National Museum, 1894.— Mason. 

Plate 21. 

Rude Snowshoes. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



No example of snowshoe is in the National Museum from the Indians 
of Alaska, Canada, or the eastern United States that was not made 
with metal tools. No remains of an ancient and purely Indian type 
have been recovered. Therefore, with the utmost caution, the skill of 
the tribes long associated with French and English as trappers, should 
be set over against that of others whose snowshoes were ruder. The 
very fine babiche is the production of the curved steel knife, and the 
refinement of the snowshoe seems to date from its introduction. 

In the western slopes of the Eocky Mountain region, and thence over 
the Sierras to the Pacific Ocean, will be found the most primitive types 
of American Indian snowshoes, and yet the Renfrew, the Turner, and the 
Meads examples are illuminated by these rude specimens. Example 
No. 2729 (pi. 21) in the National Museum is a pair of snowshoes collected 
among the Utes, of Utah, in 1841, by Capt. H. Stansbury, during the 

Fig. 91. 

Cat. No. M109. U. S. N. M. Collected by L. S. Dyur. 

Rocky Mountain exploring expedition. The frame is a bent pole, the 
hoop being wider than long, the ends roughly spliced and lashed with 
rawhide in front. There are no crossbars, but an i ntimatiou of structure 
in the position of the foot rest. The two elements of the perfected 
snowshoe, here exhibited in their nakedness, are the double loop about 
the frame, as in figure 82, and the twined thong acting as a set of slings 
for footing. The network is a series of half hitches made by the thoug 
wherever it crosses itself. The two shoes are not even alike. Length, 
16£ inches; width, 20. 

Example No. 24109 (fig. 91) is a pair of snowshoes collected on the 
Klamath River Agency, Oreg., by L. S. Dyar, Indian agent. The 
framework is a hoop made of a pole and is lashed together at the side 
with buckskin, with very little splicing. The network is all of one 
piece of rawhide passed backward and forward, commencing at the 

Digitized by 




lower right-hand corner and fastened to the hoop, not by a doable 
loop, bat by a half hitch and single tarn and then twined about the 
standing part. Diameter, 14 inches. 
To complete the western series is example No. 2728 (fig. 92), a very old 

specimen marked "West coast 
of America " and collected by the 
Wilkes Exploring Expedition. 
The frame is an elongated oval 
and irregular hoop of pole, 
spliced and wrapped at the heeL 
The two shoes are not quite alike 
in shape. There are no cross- 
bars, but three turns of the raw- 
hide netting are served together 
and answer precisely to the rest 
under the ball of the foot in the 
eastern specimens. In this speci- 
men may be seen a rude and 
primitive form of the Renfrew 
foot netting set in a series of 
slings made of twined babiche 
and caught around the frame 
with a half hitch and single- turn 
knot. In the irregular and ar- 
tistic spacing of the slings will 
be seen the foreshadowing of the 
open-work ornamental lacing on 
the elaborate voyageur speci- 
men (pi. 16), which is made in the 
same manner, namely, by omit- 
ting the filaments that pass 
straight across in a triangle that 
is longer than it is wide. 
Mr. F. W. Hodge says that the Zuiii and other pueblo tribes make 
an overshoe of goatskin, worn over the moccasin in the snow, with the 
hair side out. Snowshoes are also reported in the cl ill- dwellings. 

Snowsiioks in tiik U. S. National Museum. 


P.M. N«». '27VH, U. S. N. M. folk-. t*-,l l,y WMk-- Explorin« Expedition. 


167M91, 1H7892 
63602, 63003 



By whom contributed. 

SkeoB J Finland | Hon. J. M. Crawford. 

do I Minnesota Tbeo. Roosevelt. 

J apan Hon. B. S. Lyman. 

Yokohama, Japan Do. 

Yezo, Japan | Romyn Hitchcock. 

Siberia E. W. Nelson. 

Icy Cape , Do. 

Snowshoes, Ainos( p. 386). 

Snowshoes (fig. 76) 

Snowshoes (p. 386) 

Snowshoes (p. 389) 

Snowshoes (fig. 79) 

Digitized by 



Snowshoks in the U. S. National Museum— Continued. 



45782, 45733 














72420, 72421 








Snowshoes (fig. 78). 


Snowshoes (p. 389) . . 






(p. 389) 


(fig. 80) 


(p. 390) 

Kntchin Indians(p. 397) 


(p. 391) 

IngaliukEskimo(p.391) . 



St. Lawrence Island, 



Cape Darby, Alaska 


Norton Bay, Alaska 



Yukon Kiver, Alaska.. 



(p. 391) do . 

Kenai Indians. 

Cooks Inlet 



Bristol Bay, Alaska. . . 
Point Barrow, Alaska. 

(p. 394) 

(pi. 13) 

(fig. 81) 

(p. 397) Anderson River 

Kootcha, Eutchin ( Northwest Canada 

Yukon River, Alaska. . 

(p 391) | Putnam River, Alaska. 

127614 i Snowshoes, Tinnei Indians(p. 395)., Alaska. 


















90019, 9002U 




Snowshoes (p. 397) 

Snowshoes (p. 397) 

Snowshoes, Chippewayan 

Snowshoes (p. 395) 

Snowshoes (p. 396) 

Snowshoes (p. 395) 

Babiche or snowshoo line 

Snowshoes, Slave Indians 

Snowshoes, Chippewayan Indians 

Babiche for snowshoes 

Snowshoes (pi. 16) 

Snowshoes of voyagers, for walk- 
ing behind dog sledge (p. 395). 
Snowshoes, Slave Indians (p. 395) . 
Snowshoes, Slave Indians (p. 395) . 

Upper Yukon, Alaska. . . 

do I 

Yukon River, Alaska 

Fort Anderson, Canada. . ' 

do J 

Macken zie Ri ver. Canada, 
do ' 

.do . 




Fort Simpson, Canada . . 


Mackenzie River, Canada 

.do . 


SnowBhoes, Yellow Knife Indians.! do . 

Snowshoes, Yellow Knife Indians do . 

(p. 395). 

Suowshoes (p. 397) 

do :.. 

Snowshoes (pi. 15) 

Snowshoes (pi. 14) 

Snowshoes, Montagnais 

Snowshoes, small I UngavaBay, Labrador. 

Chilkat. Alaska . . . 

Sitka, Alaska 


By whom contributed.. 

Commodore Rodgers. 

H. W. Elliott. 

Capt. C. L. Hooper. 




C. P. Gaudet. 
W. H. Dall. 
E. W. Nelson. 
W. H. Dall. 


E. W. Nelson. 
C. L. McKay. 
Lieut. P. H. Ray. 
R. Kennicott. 
R. Kennicott. 
Lieut. G. M. Stoney, 

U. S. N. 
Lieut. E. B. Webster, 

U. S. N. 
J. C. Russell. 

J. H. Turner. 
It. MacFarlane. 

B. R. Ross. 








It. Kennicott. 

| D °- 

1 Do. 

I Do. 

I Do - 

John J. McLean. 
J. G. Swan. 
i John J. McLean. 
Henry G. Bryant. 
L. M. Turner. 

Digitized by 



Snowshoes in the U. S. National Museum— Continued. 












24788, 24780 










Snowshoes (fig. 84) 

Snowshoes (p. 402) 

Snowshoes (figs. 86-88, pi. 17).... 
Snowshoes, Chippewa (p. 406) . . . 

Snowshoes, Ojibwa 

Snowshoes, girl's 

Snowshoes (pi. 20) 

Snowshoes, small model (p. 406). 

Snowshoes (p. 406.) 

Snowshoes, hunter's (p. 403) 

Snowshoes (pi. 18) 

Snowshoes (pi. 19) 

Snowshoes (p. 405) 

Snowshoes, Sioux Indians (fig. 90) . \ 

Snowshoes, Catlin collection (p.406) ! 

Snowshoes, Indians of the North ' 

west ('oast of America (fig. 92). | 

Snowshoes, circular (fig. 91) j 

Snowshoes, Coast Indians (pi. 20) . . J 

UngavaBay, Labrador.. 



W isconsin 



Marquette, M ich 


Menominee. Wis 


British North America. . 
Eastern part of British 

North America. 

By whom contributed. 

L. M. Turner. 


War Department. 

T. Meads. 

Maj. C. £. Bendire, 

U. S. A. 
G. R. Renfrew 6c Co. 
J. Varden. 

War Department. 

Captain Wilkes, U. S. N. 

Klamath L.S.Dyar. 

Columbia River Lieut. Wilkes, U. S. N. 

Klamath, Cal A. S. Gatschet. 


The ice creeper is a device of some kind worn under the boot in win- 
ter to enable the traveler to walk over smooth ice or snow crust without 
slipping. The snowshoe prevents the traveler from sinking in the snow 
and at the same time in many places, especially in America and north- 
eastern Asia, affords a ratchet to prevent the foot from slippiug back- 
ward. The creeper, however, does not prevent the foot from sinking 
in the snow, but simply acts as a ratchet or stop to prevent its slipping 
in any direction. This result is achieved in different ways by different 
peoples. The Russians, the Chinese, and the Mongols attach sharp- 
headed nails, sometimes of immense size, to the bottoms of their boots. 
The eastern Eskimo quilt the bottom of the shoe, leaving loops of raw- 
hide projecting underneath which serve the purpose, but the ice creeper 
(par excellence) is a device fastened under the shoe and not a part of 
it, provided with sharp points beneath, which keep the foot from 

There is a small area of distribution for this type of objects, as 
exhibited by the collection in the U. S. National Museum, partly in north- 
eastern Asia and partly in northwestern America. It is a question, 
not yet settled, whether both sets of peoples owe the existence of this 
invention to the presence of the Russians in that quarter. 

In America ice creepers precisely like those of the Eskimo, Chukchi, 
and Kamchadales, made, however, of leather aud iron, are worn exten- 
sively in winter throughout the Northern States. 

Digitized by 




The U. S. National Museum does not possess any specimens from 
Russia, but doubtless such things are used there abundantly. 

The Roman soldier at times wore under the bottom of his caliga or 
sandal sharp spikes, like harrow teeth, so that if literally men were not 
mangled under harrows, it was just as painful to be tramped to death 
thus. Greig reproduces one of these sandals from Balduinus de Calceo 
Antiquo, etc. 1 

Example No. 55850 is a mandarin's boot from north China to be worn 
in icy weather. The legs and uppers are of soft, black leather lined 
with blue cotton. The front seam extends from the sole in front to the 
top of the leg. The back seam, as in our 
boots, reaches from the sole to the top, 
and in both seams is a neat piping of thin 
leather. The noticeable feature here is 
the existence of a thick extra sole and 
heel, the former having sixteen rifle-bullet 
shaped iron points, the latter twelve pro- 
jecting downward half an inch, as though 
two Kamchatkan ice-creeper frames had 
been nailed beneath each boot. 

The Aino rode on broad Amurskees drawn 
by the reindeer. Nordenskiold figures, from 
an old Japanese book, an Aino man, bare- 
headed, dressed in fur, wearing skin boots, 
standing on a pair of skees and holding the 
staff or balancing pole in his hand. In 
front of the man trots a reindeer having a 
rawhide line about its neck, the other end 
of which is tied around the man's waist. 2 

Example No. 73092 (tig. 93) is a snow- 
shoe frame and ice creeper combined. The 
framework consists of two bent sticks in shape of an oxbow, one tele- 
scoped into the other and bound with spruce root tucked in at the ends. 
Secured between the two bows, at the side, are wedge-shaped pieces 
sharp at the bottom so as to be driven into the snow crust, or surface, 
or rough ice. The structure of this specimen is the same as that of the 
snowshoe before mentioned from the Caucasus. 

The Kamchatkans use in hunting the ice shoe, consisting of two small 
parallel " splines" 3 feet long and 7 to 8 inches apart, united at each 
end, and having crossbars; they have the same curve at each end, and 
are arched in the middle the same as snowshoes, and like them fastened 
on with straps. The splines are set underneath with pointed bones to 
stick into the ice. This example may be compared with the Finland 

Fig. 93. 



Cat. No. 73098, U. S. N. M. Collected by Romyn 


! T. \V. Greig, ' 'Old-Fashioned Shoes," pi. xvi. 
2 " Voyage of the Vega," New York, 1882, p. 475. 

Digitized by 






O 3 



Fig. 94. 
Ct. No. 24.13, U. 8. N. M. Collects! by thf Rodger* Kxp"!n.»n. 

skee, which has a midrib or keel the whole length underneath. The 
Kamchadal who live in the neighborhood of ice hills or glaciers make 
use of sharp-pointed irons, called posluki, 1 which they fasten to the foot. 
u For smooth ice or snow the Tuski use 'creepers' of carved ivory, 
having serrated edges, fastened under the moccasin, which prove of 
great service." 2 
Example No. 2433 (fig. 94) is an ice creeper from northeastern Asia col- 
lected by Admiral 
John Kodgers. It 
consists of a piece of 
walrus ivory cut in 
rectangular shape 
and having a rec- 
tangular piece re- 
moved from the 
middle. Around 
the underside of the 
remaining piece are 
ten projections or 
blunt points. This 
piece of ivory is tied under the instep of the boot by means of a thong 
passing though holes bored at either end. The student in looking at 
this piece will hardly fail to recognize that it is copied from something 
else, and in reading the description of the wooden frame with spikes 
beneath, worn under foot by Kam- 
chadal, will see at once whence the 
motive came. 

Example No. 46261 (fig. 95) is an 
ice creeper from Plover Bay, in north- 
eastern Asia, collected by W. M. ■ 

Noyes. It is well known that 
the people of Plover Bay are 
Eskimo who have gone over 
there in times not remote to 
take up their abode, and 
this specimen, therefore, was 
worn by an Eskimo. It con- 
sists of an oblong, rectangu- 
lar piece of ivory cut out in 
the middle and having four- 
teen little obtuse points or projections beneath, and is fastened to the 
foot in exactly the same manner as the foregoing. Short rude snow- 
shoes are used for ice creepers by Chukchi and Eskimo about Bering 

Fig». J»5 and 96. 
Cat. N..s. 46261 .in.J 46260. V. S. N. M. Cllerteii by E. VV. NH».n. 

1 Langsdorff, "Voyages," London, 1814, 11, p, 292. 
3 Hooper, " Tents of the Tuski," Loudon, 1853, p. 185. 

Digitized by 



Example No. 46200 (tig. 96) is another specimen from the same 
locality, which is interesting because of the variation in detail. The 
shape is rectangular in outline on top, but is chamfered beneath around 
all of its margins, and also the margin of the cavity in the middle has 
been chamfered, so that beneath were left two long edges, like sled 

runners; by cutting away 
notches in these pyramidal 
points were formed. The 
lashing is similar to those 
before named. 

Example No. 63881 (fig.97) 
is from St. Lawrence Island, 
and exhibits another stage 
in the process of elaboration. 
The general shape is quad- 
rangular. The upper part is 
cut so as to fit around the 
foot a little better. There 
is no excavation from the 
middle, but by a series of fur- 
■ i rows filed on the underside, 

Cat. No#. 63881 and 44761, U. 8. N. M. Collected by E. W. Nel»on. 

Fi-H. 97 and 98. three longitudinally and 

eight laterally, a series of 
thirty-six pyramidal projec- 
tions are effected. The lashing or attachment to the foot is exactly as in 
the preceding one. 

The last step in this evolution, or practically fading out of a type of 
invention, is a specimen from Sledge Island, No. 44761 (fig. 98), collected 
by E. W. Nelson. This is also a rectaugular specimen. The edges are 
chamfered all around. Underneath a broad furrow is gouged longitu- 
dinally through the middle and ridges remaining are filed across, leav- 
ing two rows of projecting pyramids. So far as the collections in the 
U. S. National Museum are concerned, this 
peculiar device does not seem to have gone 
any farther southward on the American 

Murdoch says that in early spring, before 
it thaws enough to render waterproof boots Fig. 99. 


necessary, the surface of the snow becomes Point Barrow Ala8kiu 

very smooth and slippery. To enable them- From « «;*.«• .nth. wmi. Annual import .,r th« 
selves to w^alk on this, the natives make a 

kind of creeper of strips of sealskin, doubled lengthwise and generally 
bent into a half moon or horseshoe shape, with the folded edges on 
the outside of the curve sewed on the toe and heel of the sealskin 
sole. 1 (Fig. 99.) 

»Cf. Ninth Ann. Rep. Hiir<»au of Ethnology, p. 13T>. fig. 82. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



In example No. 56750, a pair of boots from Point Barrow, Murdoch 
draws attention to a large round patcb of seal skin with the hair on, 
and pointing toward the toe, to prevent the wearer from slipping. 
These patches are carefully "blind stitched" on so that the sewing does 
not show on the outside. On the Amur snowshoe the hair is pointing 
backward to prevent slipping. 1 

At Point Barrow, says Herendeen, the Eskimo make an ice creeper 
by rolling up rawhide and sewing the strips across the boot, which 
should be compared with the Uogava plan. 

The boots of the Northern Labrador Eskimo are peculiar. The soles 
are often made with strips of sealskin thongs sewed on a false sole, 

which is attached to the un- 
dersurface of the sole proper. 
The strips of thong are tacked 
on by a stout stitch, then a 
short loop is taken up and 
another stitch sews a portion 
of the remainder of the strip. 
This is continued until the en- 
tire uudersurface consists of 
a series of short loops, which, 
when in contact with the 
smooth ice, prevent the foot 
from slipping; not made in 
any other portion of the dis- 
trict. 2 (Kig. 100.) 

An interesting example of 
the fading out of a device is 
seen in the wipka or skeleton 
shoes of the Klamath Indians, 
example No. 165588 in the V. S. National Museum. Their god knu- 
kamtihiksh wore them. It is not a snowshoe at all in the sense of sus- 
taining a person on the snow, but a net in the form of a moccasin drawn 
over the hitter as an overshoe. It is made of coarse twine, in twined 
weaving, with a mesh about an inch wide. A similar makeshift, example 
No. 165558 in the U. 8. National Museum, is from the Moki pueblo. 

Ice Ckkepeks in the U. S. National Museum. 

Fig. 100. 


<<>||,., t.-.l t.y I.. M Turijrr. 
tun » I'miire tu thf< Eleventh Annual Report of the Burrm of EthnoUx 



7:i002 1 Snowshoe ami ico creeper (fig. 9'0 

24:13 Ice creepers, ivory (fig. 94) 

4626<>-4 6202 lee creepers, ivory (figs. 95, 96) 

6:n00 j Ice creepers, ivory 

126! 182 


Aino, Japan 


Plover Bay, Siberia . . . 
St. Lawrence Island, 

By whom contributed. 

R. Hitchcock. 
Commodore Kodgera. 
W. M. Noyea. 


1 Cf. Ninth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 132. 
-Ibid., p. 179. 

Digitized by 


Ice Creepers in the U. S. National Museum — Continued. 





By whom contributed. 


St. Lawrence Island, 

Cape Nome, Alaska 

Sledge Island, Alaska . . 

E. \V. Nelson. 












J. C. Russell. 


Shoes with crimped soles 

Ungava, Canada 

L. M. Turner. 
Bureau of Ethnology. 


Klamath Indians, Cali- 


Among the numerous epithets applied to man it must not be forgotten 
that he is a carrying animal, an emigrating animal. Other species carry 
objects, but they make no carrying devices; fishes and birds especially 
are migratory, but they go in annual circuits, many of which they have 

Fig. 101. 


From a figure in the Report of the Smithsonian Institution ( U. 8. National Museum), 1887. 

been repeating since the glacial epoch. Many animals are provided by 
nature with pouches and cariying organs. So men also have excellent- 
hands and arms, relieved of the toilsome work of walking so that they 
maybe more free to grip and hold. 

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Iii this chapter it is designed to trace the progress of early and more 
primitive forms of inventiou as applied to the carrying industry. Now- 
adays one may see meu in the double role of carrier and of rider; they 
carry and are being carried, which gives rise to the two generic terms, 
freight and passengers. The freight of the world as well as its pas 
sengers are either carried or hauled, and these separate functions divide 
men into pack animals and traction animals. 

For carrying on the head or toting, according to the shape of the 
load and the skill of the bearer, there may be (1) nothing to hold the 
load on; (2) one or both hands may grasp the burdens; (3) the foreana 
may rest between load and head; (4) a pad, having many patterns froi.: 
land to land, may sustain the load on the head and support it when 
placed on the ground; (5) the receptacle may be made convex at the 
bottom by an added rim or by punching up. 1 Finally, the load may be 
hung from the head by means of a headband and slings or straps. In 
such cases there is a double resting place for the back and shoulders 
and hips, all assist in sustaining the burden. Furthermore, the student 
will notice that the head strap rests against the forehead in some 
instances and against the bregma in others, as in the Apache water 
carrier. This same head or forehead band will occur in certain tribes 
as an instrument of traction. Toting as against carrying with tho 
headband will also be found to have relation to natural resources, and 
hence to tribal and ethnic custom. 

It should be noticed in this connection by craniologists that ainon^ 
savages that carry loads on the head or use the burden strap or other 
devices about the forehead, children are taught and compelled just as 
soon as they can walk to carry loads. Small jars, baskets, frames, c r 
packs are loaded upon them at first, and these are increased with age. 
Again, in many tribes carrying methods are a matter of sex, so that if 
any modification of the skull takes place by the act it would show itself 
in one sex and not in the other. 

Carrying Pads for the Head in the U. S. National Museum. 

Museum i <*n«Hmmi 

number. ' Specimen. 

Locality. By whom contributed. 

77189 Head pad for packing Hupa Valley, California. Lieut. P. H. Ray, XT. S. A. 

126907 Head pad, leather and grass twine . .' California I Do. 

84107, 84108 Belt for carrying burdens. Moki Arizona V. Mindeleft'. 

84109,84110 Head pad, Moki Indians do ' Do. 

22828 ■ Rope for carrying wood, Moki do Maj. J. W. Powell. 

70962-70974 II ead pads (thirteen), Moki Indians do Col. Jas. S. Stevenson. 

40473 Head pads (fig. 161) Zufii New Mexico Do. 

41760 Carrying strap, Moki and Zufii | do Do. 

41761 t Carr\ i ng strap, hood rope, Moki ' do Do. 

42156 [ Carrying band, plaited, Moki ! do ' Do. ^ 

76980 I Headband Mexico New Orleans Exposition. 

152720 Carrying gourd and yoke [ Colima, Mexico Edward Palmer. 

l Ratzel figures a Schilluk woman, barefooted, with a jar on the head, supported 
by the wrist of the right hand and grasped at the rim with the left. 

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Carrying- Yokes and Headbands in the U. S. National Museum. 




150679, 150680 


Carrying strap 

Carrying pole 

Carrying hand* 

Carrying rope, goat's hair. 

Carrying band 


Carrying band and stick . . 


By whom contributed. 

Finland Hon. Jno. M. Crawford. 

New Guinea I). S. Spaulding. 

Sandwich Islands Mrs. Sibyl Carter. 


Kashmir, India . 

Yezo, Japan 



Seoul, Korea 

W. H. Dall. 

Dr. W. L. Abbott. 

Roinyn Hitchcock. 


J. B. Bernadou. 

The shoulders and back are favorite places for men's burdens; women 
a little more commonly prefer " toting." The roustabouts and wharf men 
set all sorts of sacks upon the shoulder for short distances. The sack 
holds its own as a carrying utensil on their account. The shoulder not 
only lends itself to actual burden bearing, 
but has been the occasion of inventions in 
the following directions: 

(1) In the utensil that fits and holds the 
load — the receptacle or package (fig. 134). 

(2) In the carrying device itself, the ve- 

(3) In the attachment of the burden to 
the man, the harness (f\g. 102). 

These are not always separate, and not 
even ever present, but the operation must 
always embrace the use of something an- 
swering to these and out of which they were 

Carrying is done on one shoulder, on both 
shoulders, and on the shoulders and neck. 

All the eastern Asiatics and the Polyne- 
sians carry a load first on one shoulder, then 
on the other, by means of a shoulder pole. 

The race of peddlers and of men with lit- 
tle impedimenta in Europe and America go 
about with their belongings in a pack borne 
on the end of a stick, resting near its mid- 
dle on the shoulder and grasped by the 
hand at the other end (fig. 10D. 

African porters, as will be seen, have their load on one shoulder, 
either with or without carrying-frame, and relieve that shoulder by 
putting the middle of the staff' on the other shoulder and catching the 
lower end of the staff' beneath the load behind (fig. 103). 

Finally, the Caucasian literally wears a yoke, so carved out that it 
H. Mis. 90, pt. 2 27 

Fig. 102. 



C*l. No. 15113*, V S. N. M Collerle.1 l.y th.- 

IT. S. F.ili|nw Expedition. 

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rests ou both shoulders and the atlas at once (figs. 108, 109). The "por- 
ter's knot" is an invention which combines head, atlas, and shoulders 
into one resting place for enormous burdens (fig. 110). 

But, somehow the back has come proverbially to be the seat of the 
human load, so as to leave the arms free. Knapsacks, carrying frames, 
porters' packs, and the thousand and one devices for long marches are 
designed for the back, especially in Europe and aboriginal America. 

The head-strap load, the breast-strap load, the shoulder-strap load, 

Fig. 103. 


From a photograph in U. S. National Muoenm. 

the sack held over the shoulder by its mouth, all rest against the lean- 
ing back, and are sustained upon the center of gravity of the body. 
Allied to this back load is the burden on the hip and on the thighs. 

Besides these wholesale methods there is the infinitely varied retail 
method of bearing small packages on the hands, arms, breast, stomach, 
and knees, which together afford room for regional, racial, and cultural 
variations of apparatus. One will see in pictures of Brazil, for instance, 
a servant carrying a bottle of wine or fruit on the head as a feat of agility 
in toting. In another place, men are trained to the knack of carrying 

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after other fashions, until they seem to take on certain gaits and styles 
of walking. But it is along the docks and retail streets that one will 
witness the survival of all modes of burden bearing in vogue since 
human history began. 

The devices for carrying loads will first receive attention; after that 
the carrying of children and adult persons. Following the method of 
the former chapter, it seems more convenient, from a museum point of 
view, to continue the geographic order, regarding — 

(1) Africa in its negroid portions. 

(2) Caucasian Africa, Europe, and Asia. 

(3) Semitic and southern Asia. 

(4) Northern Asia and its appendages. 

(5) America. 

This order is generally followed so as to bring geographic areas into 
contact where there has been also 
industrial contact. 

A common sight in the land- 
scape of negroid Africa is that of a 
woman with an immense jar on 
her head, steadied not by her hair 
or by a carrying ring, but by her 
naked forearm resting between the 
head and the jar or gourd. Her 
other hand may or may not hold 
to the rim. These toting negroes 
are now all over the warm por- 
tions of the world. No sight is 
more common in the streets of 
Washington than that of an old 
negress with an immense bundle 

on her head. In their native coun- f^im. 

tries the negroid tribes have in- carrying-crate fbom angola, a*r,ca. 

. , „ . Cat. No. 151129, U. S. N. M. Collected by Heli ChateUin. 

vented apparatuses for carrying. 

Example No. 151129 (fig. 104) is a rude carrying or packing basket from 
Angola. The bottom is made in form of a mat or head pad. The warp 
is a series of rods, and the weft is in twined weaving, common in Africa, 
in eastern Asia, and in the Pacific States of North America north of 
the Pueblo country. The lower row of this twining should be noticed 
as a bare suggestion of which the bird-cage baskets of California and 
Oregon are the fine art. It is designed to introduce a little more rigidity 
into the texture. In this specimen the complete carrying baskets of 
many lands appear almost as a skeleton, and there are many variations 
of this type in West Africa. 

A carrying basket from the Herero African tribe in the Berlin 
Museum fur Volkerkunde is a little on the plan of the typical bean 
basket of the Mohave, but much shallower. Its motif is hoops and 
sections of hoops in three series held in place by windings of bast. At 

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the top is a wooden hoop. To this hoop are lashed three segments of 
hoops outside, their ends close together on opposite sides, like meridio- 
nal lines. Inside these are laid segments of hoops of smaller size, 
at right angles to the three and parallel to one another, like the wires 
in a rat trap. 1 

Example No. 152012 (tig. 105) is from the French Kongo, the gift of the 
Cincinnati Museum Association. In this specimen the common wicker- 
work is used; that is, a rigid warp and flexible filling. It is seen in 
America in three culture regions, that of the birch, ash, and oak splint, 
that of the split cane, and in one Pueblo in northeastern Arizona made 
from little twigs of llilaria Jameaii. The plaited headband of the 
specimen here figured would also be familiar in America. 

Baker furnishes excellent examples of varied carrying among the 
Madi negroes: Four men bearing a house-frame on their heads and 
spears or bows in their hands; woman with hamper on the head and 

child astride the hips; woman with 
hamper on the head and gourd in net 
borne in left hand ; bottle in net aud 
child clasped in the arms against 
the stomach ; man with great bundle 
of long poles on back, shoulders, and 
head, held in place with both hands, 
the small ends dragging on the 
ground ; the whole party are driving 
a herd of cattle. 

Knapsack straps and headband 

combined are given by Du Chaillu 

in the picture of an Aschira negro 

* 1K 105 carrier. The man is naked, save a 

WOMANH (,'ARUYINO-HASKKT WITH JIKAI>HAN1>. ,. ,.. , , -. *«,.•*•, <■ 

c s ,n,, W ,,,,n.,. < ,,^.n, y c s,..,,,,,,, l0m « loth 5 li0l(ls a Staft Hl b,S ha,ld 

and bears on his baek a crate, shown 
with board bottom and latticed sides. The crate is supported by a 
band across the forehead and a strap over each shoulder, attached to 
the borders of the crate. This should be compared with a picture in 
v. d. Steinen\s " Unter den Naturvolkern Zentral-Brasiliens," pi. vi, and 
page 237. 2 

Ratzel reproduces from Cameron a Mrua man barefooted, wearing only 
a cloth about the loin, carrying a plain or self bow in the right hand, a 
spear in the left hand, and three arrows under his left arm. On his back, 
knapsack fashion, is a bale of goods, and suspended on his left side 
from his left shoulder hangs a fish basket and scrip or small haversack. 3 

Example No. 169128 (i\^ m 100) from Kongo Free State, Africa, is a carry- 
ing frame or basket, collected by J. II. Camp. The essential parts, as of 
many others in the IT. S. National Museum from the area of African 

1 Figured l>y Ratzel, " Volkerkumle," Leipzig, 1887, i, p. 333. 
*Cf. Ratzel. "Volkorkunde," Leipzig, 1*87, I, p. 5iM>. 
3 Ratzel, " Volkerkunde," Leipzig, 1887, I, p. 112. 

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porters, are the two substantial bamboo rods along the bottom; around 
this a network of bamboo fillets in twined weaving is constructed, and 
the flat border finished oft* in diaper weaving. The staff always accompa- 
nies this device, not only to support the carrier, but to place on the 
vacant shoulder as a fulcrum in order to help support the frame. 

Example No. 151132 is a Muhaiuba carrying frame from Portu- 
guese West Africa, collected by Heli Chatelain. The fundamental 
parts are the rods and the sides. The rods are two poles about 6 feet 
long, laid parallel, like the frame of a bier upon which the apparatus 

is built up. In the economy of the carrier 
these poles serve as foundation for the frame, 
as holds for the hands, and the projections 
of the rods enable the carrier to set his load 
upon the ground and to resume it without 
much stooping. The sides of the apparatus 
are two-netted hoops. Each hoop is a stick 
bent into an elongated ellipse, and lashed to 

Fig. 106. 

Cat. No. 169188. U. S. N. M. Collected by J. H. Camp. 

the poles. The network consists of quadrilateral meshes made of cane 
splints served neatly all over with finely split cane. Between the chief 
meshes and subdividing them is a series of meshes in wrapped style 
of weaving. The poles are held in place by cross-pieces, and the space 
padded beneath to protect the shoulders. These frames are convenient 
in packing, and the load is required to be put up in such manner as 
to fit them. 1 

Serpa Pinto figures a Bihefio carrier with his regulation pack fastened 
between the parts of a forked stick and borne on the shoulder. His 
belt is a regular arsenal and commissary. 2 This may be compared with 
the West African and Kongo pack. 

Example No. 72708, received from the Museum fur Volkerkunde, 
Leipzig, is the most interesting specimen of this type of frame for the 
reason that it is constructed from two palm leaves and may be made 

1 Cf. Steinen, "Unter den Naturvolkern Zentral-Brasiliens," pi. vi, p. 72. 
•Ratzel, " Volkerkunde," Leipzig, 1887, I, p. 194. 

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without the use of metal tools by laying the stems parallel and a few 
inches apart. The leaflets on the sides of the stem that are toward 
each other are interwoven, which forms a prolonged webbing on which 
the load may rest. The leaflets on the outside of each stem are twisted 
for a few inches and their ends are braided down together to form a 
continuous upper border of the apparatus. This construction will be 
best seen by examining fig. 107. Nothing could be simpler than this 
device, and yet it is an attractive object, containing all of the elements 
of the most finished carrying frame from the African region. 
There are over one hundred thousand carriers on the Kongo. They 

are almost naked African sav- 
ages, and yet the produce they 
bring is on its way to the great 
streams of world commerce. 
Each one of them carries a load 
of 75 pounds 12 or more miles a 
day, making in round numbers 
a unit of 1,000 pounds 1 mile. 
Among the Kasai and other 
wooly-haired tribes, as well as 
in the Papuan area, the women 
carry water jars on the shoul- 
der. The reason seems to lie 
in the great care that is taken 
of the hair. Enough material 
does not exist in the U. S. 
National Museum to test the 
question whether Friedrich 
Mullens division according to 
hair is tallied by the two 
customs of head carrying and 
shoulder carrying respectively. 
Fig. 107. The jars are always round bot- 

primitive carrying-frame of braidkd palm leaf. tomed and the roads tolerably 

Cat. Na 78708, U. S. N. M. level 

These same round jars or gourds, in order to be carried in other 
ways, must be protected. The most common and natural style of sling 
or lashing for a rotund jar or gourd consists of two small circles of 
some flexible material near the top and the bottom united like the snare 
of a drum so that they can not move either way. A cord attached to 
either of them or around the bottom and united with them will be 
efficient. The jar and the gourd being frail, the sling has often pad- 
ding added or protection at exposed points and extra bottoms are 
attached to the lower ring. 

In the rattan region this inclosure of the gourd is most efficient and 
elaborate. In many examples the network is tastefully knotted and 

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ornamented and provided with a bottom and a bale. The vessel may 
be carried then after any fashion ; may be set down and will support 
itself; is guarded against destruction by a blow. The XL S. National 
Museum possesses a great variety of such vessels, which are usually 
devoted to the transportation of water, oil, milk, etc. 

A very elaborate mounting for carrying a gourd bottle, in the 
U. 8. National Museum, is No. 5587, from the Kongo. A conoid carrying 
basket is formed of a warp of bent rods crossing at the bottom, fitted 
to the gourd and held in place by weaving in leather thong and cotton 
thread. Palm oil, animal fat, milk, and other food liquids, as well as 
pomb6 and native fermented drinks, are kept for immediate use in such 
inclosures. They are well known to collectors by their indestructible 
rancid odor. 

Example No. 76281 is a long carrying gourd from the Kongo, collected 
by Hon. W. P. Tisdel. It is mounted by boring a hole in the side near 
the small end, cutting off the end and running a noose up from the 
former hole through the latter. The knot at one end of the noose forms 

Fig. 108. 

Oil No. 131099, T. S. N. M. Collected by Edward LovetU 

the toggle and the bend the means of attachment. The gourd is about 
30 inches long and 3 inches thick. 

It will be convenient to insert here some of the survivals of primitive 
carrying apparatus and methods in vogue in Europe. Indeed, every 
form of transportation may be witnessed on the farm and garden, about 
the docks, and along the commercial streets, and especially in the 
markets. Every part of the body lit to carry any object is harnessed. 
Every kind of harness for attaching the load to the person is in use. 
Every sort and shape of receptacle for holding loads and holding them 
on survives. Finally, in the great commercial centers, all things that 
have been carried elsewhere must be borne again. 

The carrying yoke (example No. 131093, fig. 108), from England, is a 
type of harness widely dispersed in northern Europe and among the 
colonists from that area. Dr. W. J. Hoffman found the Indians of Wis- 
consin and Minnesota carrying water and maple sap in buckets made 
of birch bark on their backs by means of this yoke. The parts of the 
utensil are the horizontal piece, or the yoke itself, and the slings. 
The yoke itself is wider than it Is thick, is rounded on all corners, for 
ease to the carrier, and tapers toward the ends to reduce weight. 1 It 

'Rep. Smithsonian Inst. (U. S. Nat. Mus.), 1887, p. 285, fig. 40. 

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also serves another purpose in common with all other carrying poles, 
it holds the loads away from the body. Whoever has tried to carry 
two pails of water with his hauds alone knows this. It is a common 
thing in the country to see the boys and women using a hogshead hoop 
as a spreader. In the cities two ice men carry an enormous block by 
both holding to the hooks and one pushing against the shoulder of the 
other for a brace. This triangulation of lift and push is excellently 
illustrated in the style of carrying in vogue among the peasantry of 
Europe. The yoke is practically reversed. A strap or rope about 6 
feet long, with a hook at each end, is worn over the neck and the hooks 
attached to the bales of the buckets to be carried (fig. 109). This enables 
the bearer to use both arms and neck, for the hands may grasp either 

the handles of the hooks or the 
bales of the buckets. In order 
to hold the loads away from the 
person four sticks are framed 
together, and the two crossbars 
are laid against the bales of the 
bucket on the side next to the 
carrier. 1 

Example No. 131091 in the U.S. 
National Museum (fig. 110) is a 
"porter's knot," procured in Lon- 
don by Mr. Edward Lovett. This 
specimen is a hard pillow, after 
the general plan of a horse collar. 
A band passes around the fore- 
head and the knot or pad rests 
on the shoulders and the back. 
Its uses are twofold, first to pro- 
tect the head and body from in- 
jury, and to perfect this function a 
cap of stout leather is worn. The 
chief use, however, is to enable 
the carrier to take any kind of load at will — boxes, bags, furniture, in 
short, every sort of freight that is hauled in London or Liverpool and 
carry it to and from the wagon or car. The rather crude drawing of a 
knot collected on Thames street, London, will help the reader to see 
that the porter may use and rest in turn the head, the back, or either 
shoulder. The modern packing box or barrel, with ugly corners, nails, 
hoops, and hoop iron, are also kept from lacerating the flesh. The com- 
bined activity of these thousands of carriers by whose agency great 
piles of freight appear and disappear incessantly reminds one of the 
silent power of those great rivers at whose bidding islands of debris 
are formed and carried away. 
The bearing of burdens on the scapuhe (fig. Ill), as among the Eng- 


From a lt«urr- t.y Dupre. 

'Art of the World," D. Appletou Sl Co., Now York, p. 76. 

Digitized by 


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Market Woman in Dresden Selling Vegetables. 

The noteworthy features in this connection are: 

(1) The wicker carrying basket, strong and flexible, for the back. 

(2) The knapsack straps, made fast to the upper edge of the basket and buttoned 
at the lower end under the projecting ends of the frame posts, making it perfectly 
easy for the woman to harness or unharness herself. 

(3) The hamper basket, with two handles, for field work and not for the road, 
carried in front of the body or upon the shoulder or nape of the neck. 

(4) The pack or bundle, easy to carry on the arm, in the hand, or on the shoulder. 
In this picture is an example of the most active folk industries in one of the 

most enlightened cities of the world. 
From a photograph in the U. S. National Museum. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Report of National Museum, 1894— Mason. PLATE 22. 

Market Woman in Dresden Selling Vegetables. 

From a photograph iu the U. S. National Museum. 

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lish porters, must be very old, for it was long ago restheticized in the 
Atlantides and Telainones, the first term relating, doubtless, to Atlas, 
who bore up the vault of heaven on his shoulders, and the second to the 
Telamonian Ajax. 1 

While the southern Europeans and the races allied to them affect the 
toting habit, the northern Europeans, especially the German race, carry 
burdens on the back. The soldier and his knapsack, the peasant, and 
the drudgery woman with her basket furnish the ever present picture. 

The German carrying basket (pi. 22) is a model of convenience. It 
exists in many materials, sizes, degrees of finish, and it varies somewhat 
in form according to special functions. But all of them are practically 
knapsacks. The side of the basket 
next to the carrier's back should be 
somewhat flat. The straps for the 
shoulders are attached near the top 
of the apparatus, and they both have 
a loop or eyelet at the bottom to fit 
over the ends of the frame sticks 
which project downward below the 
basket to receive them. These loops 
and projections are of the greatest 
possible convenience, for the carrier 
does not have to rise painfully with 
her load. She sets it upon any access- 
ible rock or table, turns her back to 
it, brings the straps over her shoul- 
ders, and buttons the eyelets over 
the projections at the bottom of the 
basket. She has nothing more to do 
than to bend her back, adjust herself 
to the load, aud walk off. Other 
modes of carrying are in vogue, prac- 
tically, every other, and the mode here 
described exists elsewhere, but the 
peaceable knapsack is, after all, the favorite style of burden bearing with 
the Germanic people.* In periodicals one will now aud then see a picture 
of a German woman carrying dirt in a knapsack basket up a hill, and 
children drawing her along by means of a rope working rouud a pulley. 3 
The occasion of this is as follows: The constant working down hill 
of the light loam by farming and by the rain impoverishes the hilltops. 
In order to enrich them again the men carry the fertile dirt uphill in 
baskets on their backs and the women resort to the device above 

Fig. 110. 


Cat. No. 131091 . U. S. N. M. Collected l.j Edward Lnvett. 

1 Smith, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, 8. v., Atlantides. 

*Cf. U. S. Consular Report No. 103, March, 1889, p. 431 ; Mason, " Woman's Share in 
Primitive Culture," New York, 1894, p. 124, and "The Human Beast of Burden," 
Rep. Smithsonian Inst. (U. S. Nat. Mus.), 1887, p. 285. 

3 Zeitschrift de* Vereins fur Volkskunde, Berliu, 1894, v, pi. i. 

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spoken of. In the figure given by Miss Rehsener, there is a tripod 
shown on the top of the hill and a pulley attached to the crossbar. 
One woman at the foot of the hill is filling a basket with rich dirt by 
means of a shovel. A long rope is attached by one end to the basket 
on the back of the woman. The middle of the rope is around the 
pulley, and three children are drawing at the other end. The coopera- 
tion in this simple process is perfect. One basket is being filled, one 
is on the carrier's back, and a third is being brought to the starting 
point by the children. 

Example No. 28155 (tig. 112) is a Lapland wallet made of spruce root. 
This is a species of network made as follows : A two-ply twine for 
about 9 inches forms the foundation along the middle of the bottom. 
From that point, as the twine proceeds in a coil, at every turn one of the 

strands is extended or expanded 
into a loop, which passes backward 
around the preceding twine by a 
double twist, and then the original 
twining proceeds for another loop 
and double turn, when strand num- 
ber two is expanded to form the 
next loop or mesh, and the whole 
process consists in twining and 
alternately makingboththestrands 
a loop around the cord of the pre- 
ceding coil. The whole operation 
is a process of alternate twist and 
loop, making meshes about three- 
C^^y^^ ^^ y^ fourths of an inch square. The 
^ ,^ ^r> -"" J2&? handle consists of a three-ply rope 

made of the same spruce root. One 
single cord makes both handles 
knotted on one side to form the 
double loop. Depth of the basket, 
9 inches. 

This species of twining and loop- 
ing is essentially hand work, and is 
rather netting than weaving. That is, there is no warp and weft, but 
the two are one, built up mesh* by mesh with the fingers. The wallet 
is useful for all carrying purposes, being tough and light. 

As remarked, the melanochroic peoples of Europe, in their devices 
for carrying, resemble the North Africans and the Semito-Hamites 
generally. The women carry loads on the head; the men over the 
backs like peddlers, or on a shoulder pole, as did the ancient Egyp- 
tians, the Irish peasantry, especially the women. The writer has seen 
a young woman toting a pail of milk on her head and carrying one 
in each hand, thirty quarts in all, seemingly with great pleasure. 

Fig. 111. 



From the Report of the Smithsonian Institution (I'. S. National 

Museum), 1887. 

Digitized by 




The Greek and Roinau axilla was a pole of wood held on one or both 
shoulders for carrying burdens, which were attached to the two ends. 
Smith figures a dwarf, a grasshopper, and a faun, each bearing loads 
therewith, showing how this drudgery thing had become a motif in art 
and mythology. 1 In Greece the term dra<popeos is applied to every 
carrying device, strap, pole, yoke, etc. This southern European carry- 
ing pole, however, is not the English yoke. It may be seen in hundreds 
of pictures of Egyptian laborers, and has its greatest development in 
eastern Asia, south of the great divide. 

The carrying yoke laid on both shoulders or biceps is shown in Roman 
art. 2 The Egyptian clay and brick bearers seem to be wearing the yoke 
after the Chinese fashion. 

The Greek xdXados was the basket in which women placed their work, 
and is figured like 
the waste basket at 
the office desk, a 
truncated cone or 
cylinder of wicker. 
It was also a reli- 
gious emblem and is 
found associated 
with Minerva, who 
taught women the 
art of weaving; 
with Demeter or 
Ceres, thegoddessof 
harvest; withTellus 

and other divinities, as an emblem of abund- 
ance. It was frequently placed on the heads of 
divinities in ancient statues, and is thus called 
modius by archfeologists. Carried on the 
heads of young women in processions it gave 
rise to the Caryatides. 3 

The Roman ferculum was a platform on 
which the images of the gods were carried in 
procession. Spoils of war and prisoners were 
borne in triumph on the same device. .On the 
arch of Titus at Rome soldiers are figured as carrying the golden candle 
stick of the Jews on a ferculum. 4 

Fig. 112. 



Cat- No. M1&5, U. S. N. M. 

'Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, s. v., Jsilla, with 3 figs. 

-Smith, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, s. v., Corbis, illus. from Her- 

Smith, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, s. v., Calathus, with figure 
of Calathus on chariot and on the head of Serapis. Reference is made to Saglio's 
Dictionary, for description of priestesses wearing the Calathus. 

4 Figured in Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, s. v. Ferculum. 

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The enormous loads borne incessantly on the heads of women in Italy 
are shown in a painting by Gioli, exhibited at the Art Exposition at 
Venice in 1887. The women are all barefooted and poorly clad. They 
have immense bundles of brush upon their heads, and for the double 
purpose of staff* and prop for the load each holds in the right hand a 
stout stick. 1 

Upon the monuments and paintings of Egypt, as well as in the 
scenes of modern life, carrying may be seen in the following varieties: 

(1) On the head, with or without head Dad: with or without sup- 
port from hand or arm. 

(2) Picking up and carrying bricks with both hands, in the kiln and 
at the building. The carriers are in every attitude, and the study of 
them exhibits excellently the versatility of the human body in this 

(3) Ou the shoulder, in box or tub; in sack, and by means of the 
carrying pole, like the Chinese coolie. 

(4) In the hand; with satchel, or in the infinite variety seen about 
the bazaars. 

The salver or charger neld in the right hand, extended in the presence 
of gods and great men, is oue of the commonest appearances on ancient 
monuments. This practice has a ceremonial motive as well as that of 
convenience and respect. It is not right for a menial to touch the food 
of a superior, and the ceremonially unclean must not touch the food of 
those that have been purified regardless of rank. 

The form of carrying food and drink on a waiter or charger resting 
on the two extended palms held forward, occurs again and again on 
Egyptian mural paintings and sculptures and survives in the waiters 
at most hotels. 

Montfaucon has a picture of men in rows holding up and carrying 
the throne of a Persian King upon their uplifted hands. 2 

Herodotus mentions, as an example of the contrary ways of the 
Egyptians, that the women carry burdens on the shoulders while the 
men bear them on the head. But on the monuments even the testimony 
of Herodotus is reversed. And the women of the lower orders in our 
day carry water in large vessels on their heads. Now, as anciently, 
the women do the bulk of the carrying. 3 

The methods of carrying in ancient and modern Egypt are those also 
of Syria and Palestine. The multitudes of asses and camels in use lift 
the burdens from the heads of women and from the backs and shoulders 
of men, the former for short haul, the latter for long haul. Tristram 
speaks of the shepherds in Palestine carrying lambs not only under the 
arm, but in the hood of the abeih, or cloak. 

^ason, "Womau's Share in Primitive Culture," New York, 1894, fig. 36. 
2 "L'Antiquite' oxpliqude," Paris, 1722, p. 183, pi. ir. 

3 Lane, "Modern Egyptians," 1846, I, p. 267; Erman, "Life in Ancient Egypt," 
London, 1894, pp. 99 and 276. 

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For professional carrying and the daily round of burden bearing, as 
connected with the transportation of water, two inventions are in vogue, 
the pottery vessel and the skin bottle. In Egypt, where the donkey 
is also aquarius, the sharp-bottomed jar made to fit in a saddle pack 
may also be carried in a sling on the back. But, in the Holy Land, the 
use of the head in carryiug water necessitates an entire change in the 
form of the utensil. 

The water skin is simply the hide of the goat or some other animal, 
drawn off with great care; the openings all but one are closed tight, 
and straps added for the convenience of the bearer, according to whether 
he may live in 'a headband country or one addicted to shoulder or breast 

It is a common sight in Constantinople to see eight stout fellows 
carrying a tierce of wine by means of two parallel poles (fig. 113). The 
tierce rests in two rope slings. Each end of each rope is attached to the 
middle of apiece of wood, the ends of which are swung under both the 

Fig. 113. 


An illustration of cooperative carrying. 

From a photograph in the V. S. National Muvum. 

poles. This divides the load into eight equal parts. The poles extend 
beyond the tierce at either end, so that the men have no difficulty in 
walking. Elsewhere this cooperative carrying is still further amplified, 
and its survival may be seen at barn raisings, about shipyards, found- 
ries, navy-yards, and in handling ordnance in the open. 

Of the Arab women about Mosul, Layard says that they looked after 
their children, made bread, fetched water, cut and carried wood home 
on their heads. They did all the weaving, struck and raised the tents, 
loaded and unloaded the beasts of burden when they changed camp, 
drove cattle to pasture and milked them at night. When moving, they 
y carried the children on the back as well as when about the daily toil. 
The weight of the large sheep or goat skin filled with water is consid- 
erable. It is hung on the back by cords strapped over the shoulders, 
and upon it was frequently a child unable to follow the mother afoot. 
The bundles of firewood brought from afar were enormous, concealing 

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head and shoulders of the bearer. The author speaks of one athletic 
girl, Hadla, who, having finished the task imposed by her mother, 
would assist her neighbors for pastime. 1 A good picture of such an 
athlete would in art stand for the genius of work. Emil Schmidt fig- 
ures the Tamil women of southern India carrying loads upon their 
heads, at the same time bearing their children upon the arm and 
the hip. 2 

The following kinds of carriers appear on the black obelisk of 
Shalmaneser: (1) With hands held out in front; (2) with hamper held 
in both hands in front; (3) with wallet in right hand and sack held on 
left shoulder with left hand, most common; (4) with load held aloft over 
head in two hands; (5) with buudle of rods hugged in both arms; (6) 
with load held on shoulder in sack, like the wharf porter; (7) two men 

with pole between them on the 
shoulder, load swinging; (8) 
with lead and driven camels; 
(9) with box or pack on the 
shoulder. No one is using 
headband, breast strap, knap- 
sack straps, or any other de- 
vice for fastening the load. 

On the Chaldean and As- 
syrian monuments the divers- 
ity of carrying is well shown. J 
For example: (1) The bearing 
of fans, fly brushes, umbrellas, 
food, and drink before gods 
and princes; (2) the sack over 
either shoulder ; (3) the satchel 
in the right or the left hand; 
Fi &- 114 - (4) the shield on either arm; 

CABR.ER W.T., WATEH HK.N, K.LTEB, AND BOTTLE. ( r )} ^ ^ j ~ ^^ ^ ^ 

F roiu a photograph in the U. S. National Museum. . _ 

hand, great shield supported 
on the back; (6) all sorts of loads borne on the head, two men with 
carrying pole, the load above, between, or below the supports. 

In the figures of Kouyunjik gallery the men are building a mound, 
carrying earth in baskets on their backs. The lower tier of men are run- 
ning down hill with empty baskets. In the photographs in the U. S. 
National Museum none of the groups show the endless-chain method of 
passing light objects along a line of men and women. The Polynesians 
practiced such economy. In the Hawaiian legend of the Royal Hunch- 
back it is related that on the arrival of Pili in the islands, Paao, the 
high priest, removed with him to Kohala. At Puuepa he erected a 
large heiau, the stones of which were passed from hand to hand a dis- 

l Layard, "Nineveh and its Remains," New York, 1849, p. 291. 
8 Schmidt, "Boise nach Sudindien," Leipzig, 1894, p. 10. 


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tance of 9 miles. 1 MacRitchie mentions a similar custom among the 
Picts. It was in vogue not many years ago at fires in villages, and in 
the Southern States watermelons and other fruits and fruit packages 
are handed along for considerable distances. 

The use of the hides of animals in raising, carrying, and holding of 
liquids is confined chiefly to the Caucasian race, and is especially seen 
in their Mediterranean, Asiatic, and African areas (fig. 114). The goat's 
skin is particularly chosen because of its size and its texture. The hide 
is drawn ott* with as few openings as possible; these are tied up and 
calked and a harness of leather is attached for carrying, suspending, 
and emptying. In the illustra- 
tion here given the skin is 
brought into proximity with the 
jar that in its form succeeds 
the goatskin in some lands. 
By comparing the harness with 
that of the Mexican aguador 
and others it will be seen that 
the strap for dumping, which 
is absolutely necessary in the 
skin, survives as of doubtful 
utility on the jar. 2 

In the Rig Veda leather water 
bottles, like those in use at this 
day, are mentioned. 

India, southern Asia, and the 
Malayo-Polynesian islands may 
be considered seriatim on the 
notion of contiguity, regardless 
of race and environment. The 
carrying pole or Hindu banghy 
is omnipresent. Here a load on 
the hinder end is sustaiued by 
the hand in front. There the 
man in the middle sustains the 
pole with a load on either end, 
and in a third view, the load is 
in the middle and there is a man at each end. Other changes are rung 
on each of these. The methods of attaching the load to the poles are 
quite as numerous. 

Example No. 27613 (fig. 115) is an elaborate carrying apparatus pre- 
sented by the King of Siam. It consists of a pole and two baskets. 
Each end of the pole pierces a basket from side to side, holes having 
been provided for this purpose. The material of the structure is split 
rattan done in wickerwork. Cords are provided for packing the load 


Fig. 115. 



Cut. No. 2761.1, V. S. N. M. PiracnU-d by the King of Statu, through Gen. 

John A. Halderman. 

1 Kalakaua, "Legends and Myths of Hawaii," New York, 1888, Webster. 
a See also Kep. Smithsonian lust. ( I J. S. Nat. Mus. ), 1887, p. 284, fig. 38. 

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and blocks of wood are attached to the bottom of each hamper to pro- 
tect the weaving. 

With this may be compared a precisely similar fashion from the Sand- 
wich Islands. A photograph in the II. S. National Museum repre- 
sents a Kanaka carrying two bundles after the manner of the Siamese, 
having thrust through each one of them an end of his carrying pole 
(fig. H6). 

The U. S. National Museum possesses a number of immense gourds 
holding each several gallons, the gift of Mrs. Sybil Carter. In the 
absence of all pottery from the entire Polynesian area these gourds 

are the 4 universal receptacle of 
things to be carried, clean or 

Fig. 116. Fig. 117. 


Sandwich Ialanilcr carrying t \\ <> hairs hy iiicuhh of a HurmcRc i, y carrying Jack fruit (Artocarjm* 
ahouhlcr pole. . * integri/olia). 

From a [.hntnurti-h in t)i»- V. S. Nation*! Mu-.miiii. Fr».m n i>hnt(>Rrnph by Rev. R. M. Lutbrr. 

unclean, liquid or solid. On the testimony of travelers and mission- 
aries these gourds are slung in network and suspended from each end of 
the carrying pole. Wilkes says that the people are so wedded to this 
method of burden bearing as to use stones to balance the weights in 
the two packages. The stick is made of the Hibiscus tiliaceus, used 
also by the Kanaka in creating lire by the plowing method. Covers 
of gourd are sometimes fitted over the bottom ones to prevent the rain 
from wetting the contents. The gait of the carrier is a quick trot, with 
short steps. 

The U. S. National Museum is indebted to liev. H. M. Luther for 
the description and photograph of the most primitive form of the 
carrying pole and double load from Burma. A Karen boy is return- 

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ing home with two jack fruits attached to a stem of the same tree. (Fig. 
117.) The drawing fails to show that the fruits are adhering to the orig- 
inal stem, but in fact they are, and this is the hist analysis of the shoulder 
pole in which the stick, the perpendicular strings, and the weights are 
in one piece made by nature. 

Weights are never carried on the head by the Nicobarese, but are 
invfiriably slung on a stick or pole and borne over the shoulder. A 
woman may occasionally be seen carrying on her head for a few yards, 
from her hut to the jungle, a basket containing alight load of pandanns 
drupes, but this is the only in- 
stance in which anything is borne 
on the head. As they are not in 
the habit of distressing them- 
selves by taxing their powers of 
endurance, the distance that a 
man or woman will carry a maxi- 
mum load without a rest rarely, 
if ever, exceeds a few hundred 
yards; in fact, it would appear 
that, though the physical powers 
of the average Nicobarese exceed 
those of the average Burman or 
Malay, there are many tasks per- 
formed by the latter from which 
the former would shrink as irk- 
some and fatiguing. 1 

Example No. 164745 (fig. 118) 
is a carrying basket from Jarawa, 
Andaman Islands, the gift of En- 
rico Giglioli. The 
texture of this 
specimen is a re- 
markable study. 
It should be com- 
pared with the 
Mohave carry iug 
basket from south- 
western Arizona. 2 

The upper rim is a rigid hoop. From this depend bamboo rods, doubled 
in the middle and attached to the hoops by their ends. These doubled 
rods cross at the bottom as the meridians do at the pole, in such manner 
as to lay the foundation for an inverted cone. Between these rods depend 
subsidiary and smaller ones, reaching down not quite to the bottom and 

Fig. 118. 

Cat. No. 164745, I'. S. N M. Collected l.y K. H. Man. Ciift of Prof. Knn.-o G.tfioli. 

'E. H. Man, Journ. Anthrop. Inst., London, 1880, xvm, p. 376. 
2 Rep. Smithsonian Inst. (U. 8. Nat. Mus.), 1887, p. 2(54, and Third Ann. Rep. Bureau 
of Ethnology, p. 403. 

U. Mis. 90, pt. 2 28 

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forming the warp of a weave soon to be described. The weft of the 
basket is a continuous splint of bamboo passing rouud and round out 
side the warp and wrapped once around the warp rods as each one is 
passed, crossing the subsidiary rods without winding around thein. 
This wrapped style of weaving is seen also in some impressions left on 
mound pottery, and in specimens from the Lake Dwellings. It reaches 
its modern expression in wire gauze, where both elements are equally 
flexible, and a two-ply twine at the joint is the result. 

Further detail of the weaving is necessary. The subsidiary vertical 
rods are crossed by the weft splints and are held to them by a third 

and still smaller splint coiled or 
seized so as to make one turn about 
each crossing of warp and weft. 
This style exists in its highest per- 
fection in Vancouver Island and 
Washington State, and is most 
skillfully combined with twined 
weaving by the Yokaia Indians of 
central California. 

The fastening off of the warp 
rods at the bordering hoop is 
worthy of study. The little subsidi- 
ary rods are fastened by a double 
loop, as may be seen on snowshoes 
and in hundreds of other objects. 
The main warp rods are cham- 
fered or whittled away thin so that 
the hoop may rest solidly on their 
tops, and the remaining splint is 
wrapped around the hoop and then 
makes a half hitch about it, first on 
the right then on the left of the rod 
two or three times, producing a firm 
and ornamental joint. 

Example No. 73386 (fig. 119) is a 
carrying net from New Guinea, consisting of a network of stout cord 
attached to a pole bent in the form of a pointed oval or broad snowshoe. 
This is to be filled with portable objects and borne on the shoulder or 
back and not on the head or carrying pole. The method is more nearly 
allied to the African methods of the Kongo. There are also tribes in 
the interior basin of the United States that carry in nets. 

Powell says of the negroid women of New Britain that they carry on 
their backs two or three cocoanut bags full of merchandise. 

The water carriers of Port Moresby, New Guinea, are women (fig. 120). 
They wear skirts of fringed leaf, dyed a reddish brown. They make a 
globe-shaped vessel, which they carry very gracefully on the shoulder 

Fi«. 119. 


Cut. X... 7:tW»». I . S. N. M. (\.ll.-.-t. .1 l.y A. I\ (J.H.ilwin. 

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well around on their necks, using the right hand to grasp it by the mouth 
and hold it steady. A small gourd is used in filling the vessel. In some 
areas on the Kongo, where the hair of the people is bushy and woolly 
and the coiffure is a matter of pride, this method of setting the round- 
bottomed water jar on the shoulder is to be seen. 

The Philippine Islanders are a composite people of Negrito, Malay, 
and Sinitic elements, existing in all varieties of mixture. These Indone- 
sians make pottery, and carry water therein. The round -bottomed vase 
is made to harmonize with the delicate and slightly pilose head by means 
of the headband, consisting of 
a scarf or sash deftly rolled up. 
In a collection of photographs 
made by Consul A. R. Webb the 
women are shown in various 
attitudes of holding, placing, 
poising, and removing the jar 
(figs. 121 and 122). 

In this connection it is not 
difficult to understand how art 
is the glorification not of nature 
aloue, but of industry. These 
caryatides have for their motive 
not some natural object, but a 
common human experience. 

Example No. 74606 (fig. 123) is 
a carrying stick of bamboo, with 
baskets of bamboo. The pole is 
a piece of split bamboo, wider in 

the middle and notched at the Fig. 120. 

ends to prevent the slipping of PAPUAN WOMKN <***™» JAKa ON THK shouldkk. 
the load. The baskets of this *™.»« m **»,v.*.H^H U ~» t . 

particular specimen are rather elaborately made of whole and split 
stalks, and paneled with the same materials. The inside is provided 
with cleats, on which shelves or drawers may slide, for holding and 
serving a number of dishes. The special treatment of the bamboo in 
making fast joints without nails or lashing will be better shown in the 
carrying chair from China, illustrated in this paper (tig. 229). 

Example No. 54174 (fig. 124) is part of a carrying apparatus made of 
two bent bamboo splints, with a latticed tlooron which to set the load. 
This and the specimen just before described were the gift of the Chinese 
Centennial Commission. It would be impossible to describe and figure 
the practically endless variety of inventions in China for the utilization 
of the shoulder pole. The bamboo also is a great blessing, since it 
lends itself to the inventor's mind with a plasticity almost equal to 
that of clay and with a toughness, according to weight, that can not 
be excelled by any other material. 

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Dr. K. N. Graves, long time missionary in China, contributes the 
following notes on the Chinese carrying trade in general: 

The carrying pole* of the Chinese coolies are of 8 tout bamboo, about 6 feet long, 
or they use a pole of Hinooth, strong, flexible wood, about 2 inches broad by 1 thick, 
a long ellipse in section. A peg at each end, and the stick being somewhat widened, 
prevents the ropes or rattan slings from falling off. They shift the burden from one 
shoulder to another by means of the staff, and never use a yoke resting on both 
shoulders, as is seeu in Europe. The skin on the shoulders becomes thickened and 
hardened, but not infrequently becomes sore and galled. They are truly beasts of 

Yig. 121. Fig. 122. 


► ron. a |i|ioi<>Kr.i|>h liy (\.u>.iil Alex.m.lrr K. \V. I.I.. Kr.,m :i |>h»l<«r.«|»h l.y t'..n«ul Alei.inilrr R. VVt-bb. 

As to the rate of travel and annual anion ut of goods carried, no definite informa- 
tion can be given. Most of the carrying is between the villages and towns 15 or 20 
miles away and shorter distances. Formerly, before the opening of the Vang Tze 
to foreign trade, a great deal of tea was brought across the mountains from the cen- 
tral provinces, several days' journey, to the head waters of the Canton River, but 
this is discontinued. Most of the merchandise in South China is carried for long 
distances by the waterways. In the more thinly settled hills and mountainous 
districts it is carried on men's shoulders. 

The Chinese wheelbarrow (fig. V2~>) is, in fact, a camel or donkey pack- 
saddle with its balanced, two-sided load. The wheel and the coolie's 

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legs are the locoinotory part of the device. If the wheel be removed, 
the two sides of the burden would fit over the bark of any pack beast 
and the track need not be widened. The Chinese do not at present 
extensively use this mode of transportation except in the cities, but 
the Tibetans employ both the yak and the horse. The camel is not far 
distant on the northwest, and in the Chinese tribute pictures horses, 
asses, camels, elephants, and pack reindeer arc seen. Hereabouts there 
are two other examples of the beginning of the wheel. The Haschkir cra- 
dle in Orenburg, Russia, with two little wooden block wheels, is figured 
by Pokrowski. The Korean 
carrying chair has often be- 
neath it a single wheel, a 
very laborious device for tak- 
ing a load from the back of 
an animal instead of putting 
it on. 1 In the exaltation of 
the royal person, ceremony 
decides the form of the vehi- 
cle. In the freight and pas- 
senger barrow of the Chinese 
there is no social distinction 
created between passenger 
and barrow man. 

The women of western Tibet 
are healthy and hardy, and 
carry weights of GO pounds 
over the passes. They wear 
shoes of felt and of straw. 2 

The Tibetans are very 
quick over their work. Each 
time they raise a heavy load 
they force out the air from 
theirlungsby a vigorous hiss. 
They handle great weights 
with considerable ease, for 
their arms, though not muscular, are tough and set in solid shoulders, 
which are supported by deep necks, the length of their forearm being 
remarkable. Lamas, stick in hand, give their orders and reprimand 
them ; but these savages do their work cheerfully and are obedient and 
respectful to the lamas, to whom they listen in the most humble pos- 
ture, with back bent and hanging tongue. 3 

The Aino usually carry burdens by means of a braided band of the 
bark of ohiyo ( Uhnus montana). 

Fi&. 12H. 


C„t. No. 74506, l\ 8. N. M. 

Gift of the Chim-> 
Philadelphia, 1876. 

C«nt«*nnial Conimiaaion, 

'Pokrowski, Revue <T Ethnographic, 1889, p. 34. 

2 Bishop, "Among the Tibetans/' Chicago, 1894, p. 44. 

3 Bonvalot, "Across Tibet, » New York, 1892, Cassell, p. 270. 

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Example No. 22254 (fig. 12(5) shows the manner in which this elaborate 
contrivance is constructed. Hough figures one of them in use (pi. 23), 
and says that these bands, called tara or pickai-tara, are also employed 
to sustain the babe upon the back. Sometimes the two ends of the 
headband are tied to the ends of a stick resting on the lumbar region, 
and upon this the burden rests. The Korean extends the ends of the 
stick, and then has a kind of yoke resting on the lower part of his 
back. The Aino women make constant use of the tara. They carry 
heavy loads with them, and even bring large tubs of water to their 
homes. 1 

Example No. 22254 is a carrying band collected in Yokohama by the 
Hon. H. S. Lyman. A similar specimen, collected by Wilkes on the 

northwest coast of America, is 
unfortunately labeled Africa. 2 

Prof. E. S. Morse speaks in the 
greatest praise of Japanese backs, 
both as to their strength and flexi- 
bility. This people also are expert 
in the hexagonal weaving of carry- 
ing devices in bamboo splints. 
This enables them to produce a 
receptacle (fig. 127) which combines 
perfectly the strength and light- 
ness that are needed. The same 
hexagonal plan of weaving exists 
in the U. S. National Museum upon 
specimens of snowshoes in Canada 
and cedar-bark wallets of south- 
eastern Alaska and British Colum- 
bia, but nowhere on basketry in 
America south of the Canadian 
line and east of the coast range. 

The Japanese also have bor- 
rowed from China the shoulder 
pole or stick of bamboo for all sorts of short-distance carrying (fig. 128). 
The exigencies of Japanese commerce do not demand the extensive 
coolie system. The epoch of the human back, however, was at its 
climax when the islands were first visited. The people were singularly 
devoid of beasts of burden. In the figures from life here reproduced the 
clever tricks for using the pole are made manifest, for in such matters 
the Japanese are extremely ingenious. Owing to a climate not at all 
rigorous, the professional carriers are not overclad. 

Example No. 73093 (fig. 120) is a carrying frame from the province of 
Tate Yama, Japan, collected by P. L. Jouy. It is a ladder or frame- 

1 Cf. Rop. Smithsonian Inst. (U. S. Nat. Mus.), 1890, p. 464, pi. cv. 
* Cf. Rep. Smithsonian Inst. (U. S. Nat. Mus.), 1887, p. 287, fig. 42. 

Fig. 124. 

Cut. No. M174, V. S. N. M. Gift of thi- Chme*- (Vntennidl C, 
iiii.**ion, Philadelphia, 1N76. 

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Korean Peddlers. 

The one on the left hand with the rectangular box is a seller of confectionery and 
small articles, his load resting against his body in front and supported by a strap 
or band hung from the nape of the neck. This method of carrying is universal 
among hawkers of small ware, and is said to be omnipresent in Korea. 

The carrier to the right wears the knapsack frame supported on the back by 
shoulder straps or braces. 

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Report of National Museum, 1894. -Mason PLATE 23. 

Korean Peddlers. 

Hough, "The Bernadou, Allen, and Jouy Korean Collections in the U. S. National Museum," 
PI. VI. Report of the Smithsonian Institution (U. S. National Museum), 1891. 

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work of wood, not unlike that of some American Indian cradles. To 
render the framework soft to the back and to hold it in place, it is 

Fig. 125. 


From a photofrnph in th« U. S. National Museum. 

entirely wrapped and concealed in a continuous sennit or braid of 
straw. The arm bauds are of the same material and are braided like 

Fi,;. 1116. 


Ci.l. N... &21A, V. S. N. M. Culle«U-.l by Hon. 11. J*. Lymiin 

a whip-lash, thickest where the pad is needed. These bands are to be 
worn knapsack fashion, and are tied by their extremities to the wooden 
framework. The lashing for the load is also of sennit. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


The Tate Yama carrying rack or ladder appears in Korea without the 
wrapping of sennit, but with pieces framed in near the bottom pointing 
outward at right angles to form a shelf like that on the glass peddler's 
frame. A staff or rest may be attached to enable the carrier to relieve 
his back without setting the burden on the ground. (Fig. 130.) Hitch- 
cock brought from the Aino country photographs of a precisely similar 
device. Lt is worn knapsack fashion, which refers the reader to Japan. 1 
The carrying pole in Korea (fig. 131) is not always used on the shoul- 
der, but after a fashion that 
recalls two or three inven- 
tions in different areas. The 
pole rests on the lower back 
and is suspended from a 
band attached to its mid- 
dle and passing up under 
one arm, over the shoulder, 
back of the neck, down in 
front of the other shoulder, 
and back to the starting 
point. Children in England 
and America harness one 
another thus in playing 
horse; but this is the only 
example known to the author 
where the scheme is in 
serious use. Hooks are sus- 
pended from the ends of the 
pole, and from these hang 
jars slung neatly in splints. 
The detachable feature of 
the sling on the jar is also 
quite original, as will be 
noted in Curles's figure. 2 
From Carles it is also seen 

JAPAN.SK < AKKY.NO HASKKT WITH >..< „ U>KK HTUAI'S. tllSlt tll6 OT&eT Of frail ft])Or- 

iiiu»i!-:iti..ii or !.. \ ; .-oi.;ii uraviiiu. tatioii is sometimes reversed 

Kr " "' ' Rr ' "'- r SNl I>1 "- in Korea, in that the woman 

may carry merchandise on the head and the man become packer for 
merchandise and passenger-bearer at the same time, using the double 
bandolier (fig. 13:2). 

Example No. 150768 is a carrying band and seat from Shikotan, in 
the island of Yezo, collected by liomyn Hitchcock. It is used by 
women for carrying children on their backs. The apparatus consists 
of two parts — a woven band which passes over the chest of the bearer, 

>Cf. Carl«'H. "Life in Korea/' New York, 1804, Maeinillau Al Co., p. 67. 
'-Ibid., p.tfO. 

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to each end of which a line is attached, and u slightly curved wooden 
seat, to the ends of which the line is made fast. The child sits on the 
seat as in a swing, and its feet straddle the hips of the mother. 1 
(See fig. 133.) 

Among the causes that have produced pluck and physical strength in 
men, perhaps the carrying trade is preeminent. The pick, the hammer, 
the plane, develop muscle. Art, commercial pursuits, and the enjoy- 
ments of life usually render men delicate. The toughening of the legs 
and back and arms, the development of lung and heart power, and the 
ability to endure winter's cold as well as summer's heat come from the 
carrying and traveling industry. 

So far we have been in the land of the professional carrier, where 
men have been compelled to transport burdens and to haul loads profes- 

Fi K . 12H. 
JAPANBSK (ARK IKK, WITH SHOl'LDKK I'OLK AKI» L<>A1»S. ,i |tholo«riiph In th»« I'. S. National Mi'*t*um. 

Coming to the American continent, the reader will still be witness to 
a great deal of heavy drudgery in this department, but the human back 
is greatly relieved by the fact that few of the industries of this conti- 
nent were in the world's great streams of progress before Columbus, 
and therefore the amount of burden bearing was restricted to limited 
culture areas. It is fitting at this point, and speaking of this enormous 
amount of professional carrying, to take into consideration the effect 
of this successive work upon the bodies of men. 

Dr. Kobert Fletcher calls my attention to the fact that studies in 
this line have been instituted by the French Government upon what is 
called " l'homme moteur " by Dr. Bezy, of Toulouse. Dr. Fletcher refers 

•Rep. Smithsonian In,st. (tl. S. Nat. Mus.), 1,890, j>. 426,, fig. 67. 

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to the enormous amount of work done by man power, especially in times 
of war. It seems that the railroad hands at Toulouse had made com- 
plaint of being compelled to carry on the back bags of Hour weighing 
from 100 to 122 kilos (say, 240 pounds) from the car to the quay, a dis- 
tance of 21 meters, on uneven ground, continuously. One man made 
twelve trips, but at the last one broke down and was unable afterwards 
to work. 

Dr. Bezy found that the railroad companies had not used the dyna- 
mometer in examining men for the work, and, furthermore, the following 
interesting results were obtained. A man weighing 85 kilos can walk 

on a horizontal road at the rate of 
1.50 meters per second for a space 
of ten hours. A traveler with his 
baggage on his back can carry 40 
kilos at the rate of 0.75 meters per 
second for seven hours. A porter, 
carrying a load on his back and 
returning empty handed for a fresh 
load, can carry 55 kilos at the rate 
of 0.50 meters per second for six 

Dr. Fletcher also calls the au- 
thor's attention to Quetelet's table 
of the standard of lifting strength 
to the rule that a man should not 
carry a load greater than his own 

Excessive carrying is made more 
injurious by increasing the time, or 
age, or speed, or roughness of the 
path, or by decreasing nutrition. 

On passing northward into east- 
ern Siberia the student comes upon 
the pack reiudeer, the sledge rein- 
deer, and the dog. Women have 
their own fashions of carrying chil- 
dren, as will be seen later; but 
men are too much burdened with clothing, and relief is too near at haud 
for them to continue the old-time slavery of the back. 

The Eskimo in carrying loads use the band across the forehead as 
well as across the breast. Having their little Land sledges, they are 
given more to traction than to carrying. The women have strong 
backs, and upon them falls the duty of burden bearing. In the u Cruise 
of the Corwin" is an account of a woman who, by rolling and the use 
of her boat, succeeded in transporting an anchor stone weighing, it was 
supposed, 300 pounds. 1 

1 Haley, "Cruise of the Corwin," Washington, 1885, p. 49. 

Fig. 129. 


Illustration of plaited work. 

Out. No. 73093, V. S. N. M. Collected by !\ L. Jmiy. 

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Turner says that he has seen the Ungava Eskimo place a barrel of 
flour on their shoulders and carry it up a hillside so steep as to require 
one not burdened to pick his steps with care. ] 

Grantz says that the women of Greenland are the butchers and cooks, 
and also the curriers to dress the pelts and make clothes, boots, and 
shoes out of them, and for all this business they use nothing but a knife 
in form of a half-moon, such as cooks mince meat with, which they use 
also at the table, and have neither shears nor knife besides; a bone or 
ivory slice, a thimble, a couple of coarse and fine needles, and their own 
teeth, with which they pull the 
skins and supple them both at 
dressing and sewing. They 
build and repair the houses and 
tents quite alone, as far as re- 
lates to the masonry. The men 
very coolly look on while the 
women bring heavy stones that 
are ready to break their backs. 2 

The enormous amount of en- 
ergy and endurance in the Es- 
kimo arrested the attention of 
Nansen. He has collected in 
his second volume a number of 
narratives in which are de- 
scribed West Greenlanders who 
have gotten into straits and 
who have performed prodigies 
of energy. 3 

The Babines, a subtribe of 
carriers in British Columbia, 
have a frame for the back called 
tchen-estf lu (sticks interwoven). 
It is like a rough arm chair 
without legs, made of stout 
split sticks of willow (Salix 
longifolia) joined by thongs. 
The Dene" women pack this 
frame from the forehead with 

a skin line broadening in the middle, and if the load is heavy the 
ends of the line are passed across the chest. Father Morice has seen 
among the Hwotsu' tinne, a fraction of the Babines, a woman thus 
packing her invalid husband, a man of more than average size and 
weight. 4 

1 Tomer, " Indians and Eskimo of Ungava/' p. 104. 

*Crantz, " History of Greenland," London, 1767, p. 164. 

* Nansen, "First Crossing of Greenland," London, 1890, n, p. 285. 

4 Trans. Canadian Inst., 1894, vn, p. 118. 

Fig. 130. 


From a figure in Carlen' " Life in Korea." 

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Example No. 1504(H) is the model of a similar packing frame (ka-ni- 
ko n -hua) from the Onondaga Iroquois, procured by Mr. Hewitt. It is 
made of hickory rods bent like a wooden flail, ami resembles two backs 
of bent-wood chairs, one vertical, the other horizontal, the parts united 
by means of tough hickory bark. The rack for trunks on the back of 
a country stage coach seems to be a survival of this angular packing 
frame. Father Morice points out its occurrence in the ancient Mexican 
codices. It may be seen on the backs of porters at Panama and in 
Peru. The Patagonian mother has a similar device for her baby, and 

Fig. 131. 


From i\ skKrh in th»* I'. S. Nntionttl Museum. 

Hitchcock, as has been said, photographed the type on the backs of his 
Aino carriers for the U. S. National Museum. 

Father Morice reports that the carriers of Stuart Lake (Athapascans) 
are inferior workmen, and that they fabricate carrying pails from the 
bark of the birch (Betula papyracea) and of spruce (Abies nigra). The 
method of construction is given, with working patterns. 1 

Among the carriers the wallet or packing bag of the men, t'lul-en'- 
kez', is made from the caribou skin cut in fine strips or the skin of 
beavers when found so decomposed that the fur has lost its value. 2 

1 Trans. Canadian Inst., 1894, iv, Chap. vu. The whole paper can not he too highly 
* Ihid., 1891, iv, p. 160. 

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The regular packiug wallet (lu'-kez) of the carriers is made of 
undressed moose hide aud tanned caribou skin. The packing baud is 
of moose skin, broad in the middle for the forehead and quite long. 
On each end of the wallet is a lug or ear of tanned hide pierced with 
two holes. The ends of the carrying band pass through the upper 
holes and are drawn forward and tied across the breast, so that the 
position of the burden may be changed at will. 1 Sabnon skin often 
replaces the hide. Women are the principal carriers. 

Of the Athapascan woman Father Morice says that her capacity for 

Fig. 132. 


From a Imurr in f nrl«"»' " I.ilV- in KoffH. " 

carrying heavy burdens lies in her ability to preserve an accurate bal- 
ancing of the load rather than in any great muscular strength. The 
pack rests on the back, between the shoulders, supported by a leather 
line which passes in a broad band across the forehead and is secured 
by the ends of the line being tied across the chest. 2 

The professional carriers about Lake Nipigou, Canada, are described 
by Ralph, who says that each man uses a tumpline, or long stout strap, 
which he tied in such a way around what he meant to carry, that a 
broad part of the strap fitted over the crown of his head (fig. 134). 

'Trans. Canadian lust., 1814, iv, p. 147, tig. 135. 
*Proc. Canadian lust., 1889, xxv, Nos. 124 and 152. 

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Thus they u packed" the goods over the portage, their heads sustain- 
ing the loads, and their backs merely steadying them. When one had 
thrown his burden into place, he trotted off up the trail with spring- 
ing feet, though the freight was packed so that 100 pounds should form 
a load. For bravado one carried 200 pounds, and then all the others 
tried to pack as much, and most of them succeeded. All agreed that 
one, the smallest and least muscular-looking one among them could 
carry 400 pounds. 1 

Fig. 133. 

From h I'nnri' in the Report of the Smithsonian Institution ( V S. Ntitiontl Museum), 18U0. 
Cat. No. 15076H, l\ S. N M. 

Mackenzie tells of men who carried seven packages of 90 pounds each 
across a portage half a league long without stopping. 2 

The Kutchin woman cuts and hauls the firewood for her husband; 
she hauls his lodge, kettles, and property when the camp is moved ; she 
hauls the meat to the camp in winter aud carries it in summer. During 
the warm weather she dries the meat, carries him water, makes his 
clothes, laces his snowshoes, and indeed does all the drudgery of the 
camps. The men always cook. If a wife will not obey her husband 

1 Julian Ralph, "On Canada's Frontier," New York, 1892, p. 188. 

8 "Voyages from Montreal through the Continent of North America," p. lviii. 

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she gets a good beating. Children are generally well treated by their 
parents. 1 

The watersheds and river systems of Canada and the northern United 
States, together with the fact that nature supplied excellent material 
for very light and capacious water craft, rendered this whole territory 
accessible from any point of it and made it possible for single stocks 
of Indians to occupy large territory. Portages were of several kinds: 

(1) The voyageurs unloaded their canoes, carried the goods on their 
backs by means of headbands or on their shoulders, from open water to 
open water, making as many trips 
backward and forward as necessary. 
The canoe was towed up and past the 
obstruction by means of strong lines. 

(2) If the water would not permit 
the towing of the boat, it had to be 
carried around the obstruction, a dis- 
tance of a few feet or of miles. In 
fact, in former time this sort of carry- 
ing was called portage, the carrying 
of goods alone was called d£charge. 

(3) In descending, the boat with its 
cargo, or partly lightened, was "shot" 
through moderate rapids by skillful 
steersmen , or let down by means of lines 
and guided past dangerous points. 

Portages varied also in their length, 
in the nature of the surrounding hills, 
in the depths of the water according 
to season. Mackenzie speaks of port- 
age a la vase, which is the same as the 
English mud portage, or the poling, 
dragging, forcing of the vessel through 
mud flats. Now and then a natural canal was helpful, and then for a 
quarter of a mile or more the navigation was a comprehensive example 
of all the species of human effort. 2 

Of his carriers Mackenzie says that when leaving Montreal they 
arrived at the Grand Portage, which is 9 miles over; each of them had 
to carry 8 packages (90 pounds). "So inured are they to this kind 
of labor, that I have known them to set off with two packages and 
return with two others of the same weight in six hours, a distance of 18 
miles over hills and mountains." 

The canoes of the Hudson Bay Company were navigated by four to 
six men, and carried on an average 3,500 pounds. Each had a foreman 

Fig. 134. 

From n figure m " Canada's Frontier," by Julian Ralph. 

1 Jones, Rep. Smithsonian Inst., 1866, p. 326. 

2 Mackenzie, "Voyages from Montreal through the Continent of North America," 
Philadelphia 1802, p. xxxiii. 

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ami a steersman, and enough additional men to form a erew capable of 
carrying the boat. 

The justification among the Chippewas for loading the backs of their 
women with grievous burdens is found in their mythology. They derive 
their origin from dogs. At one time, as the story goes, they were seized 
with such reverence for their canine ancestors that they entirely ceased 

to employ dogs in drawing their 
sledges, greatly to the hardship of 
their women, to whom the task fell. 1 
Maximilian saw Cree Indian 
women returning in all directions 
from the forests, panting under 
the weight of large bundles of 
wood, which were fastened on 
tlieir backs. 2 

Example No. 165918 in the U. S. 
National Museum is the universal 
packing or parti eche case of the 
Cheyenne Indians of the Algon- 
quin n stock. It is made from a 
single piece of buffalo hide, cured 
as rawhide and not tawed. A hide 
was first sweated so that the hair 
would come out and then cleaned 
and stretched until nearly dry. It 
was then cut into shape, doubled 
up into wallet form, useless folds 
were cut away, and was then fitted 
Fi £ ,35 - with strings and painted in green, 

RAWHIDE PACKING OK PAKFI.RCHK CASK. n i % i , -H A „„ nm ,1 A A ,. 4. 4.1 ^ 

black, yellow, and blue to the cen- 

Cai. So. lflMHS, I\ S. N. M. r,.ll,vt,,l l.y 11. U. Vnth. .. mi TT CI XT j- 1 

tile pattern. The U. S. National 
Museum possesses a large variety of these packing cases from every 
one of the stocks on the plains — Siouan, Algonquian, Caddoan, Kiowan, 
and Shoshouean. 

The function of the parneche was to preserve articles and food in the 
tent and to become a packing case for man, for dog's back, dog travois, 
horse travois, and horse's back in the daily or the annual move (figs. 
13T> and 136). 

"In winter time," says Wood, "the New England Indian women were 
their husbands' caterers, trudging to the clam banks for their timber, 
and their porters to lug home their venison which their laziness exposes 
to the wolves till they impose it upon their wives' shoulders." 3 

Loskiel says that the Delaware women carried everything on their 

'Bancroft, "Native Races of the Pacific States," New York, 1874-1876, I, p. 118. 
2 Maximilian, "Travels in the Interior of North America," Londou, 1843, p. 203. 
3 Wood, "New England's Prospect," Prince Soc. Publications, Boston, I, p. 108. 

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heads, fastened by a thong round their foreheads. By means of this 
they frequently supported above a hundredweight, the load being placed 
so as to rest also upon their backs. 1 

Fig. 136. 

Cat No. 1651*9, IT. S. N. M. Collected by Jnm«9 Mooney. 

The U. S. National Museum possesses an old carrying basket, example 

•Loskiel, " History of the Mission of the United Hrethren," 1794, pp. 107-108. 
H. Mis. 90, pt. 2 29 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


No. 8430 (fig. 137), from the Arikaree Indians, of Dakota, who are of the 
Panian or Caddoan stock. The basket is quadrilateral, widest at the 
top and longer than wide. Four bent poles constitute the frame, each 
one forming the basis of a side or end. The end ones, much like ox-yoke 
bows, project below the others to form a rest for the basket. At the top 
the ends of the poles are held in place by means of a hoop. In a former 
paper the weaving was said to resemble that of the British Columbia 
tribes in cedar bark and other flat material, and so it does. But it is 

more significant here that it 
also resembles that of the 
Muskhogean and other south- 
ern stocks of the United States. 
It is diagonal weaving in nar- 
row strips of birch and other 
tough bark, varying in color. 
The distribution of this type of 
weaving belongs to the study 
of the industries of the Ameri- 
can aborigines. 

The cacique of Patofa gave 
to Soto guides, 700 Indians to 
bear burdens, and maize for 
four days' journey. Soto trav- 
eled six days by a path, which 
narrowed more and more until 
it was lost altogether. AH 
through Georgia the Indians 
obeyed their ladie to furnish 
bearers. From that it is in- 
ferred that the professional 
carrier had been developed. 1 
FiR 137 Example No. 91608 (fig. 138) 


is a form of carrying basket 

C«t No. 8430, U.S.N.M. Collected by Dr.WMhmiton Matthf w». U. S. A. ^^ J & "«—*—. v,*. 

quite common among the Choc- 
taw Indians of Louisiana. It is a hamper holding a bushel or more, 
wider at top than at bottom. It is made of the common cane, split and 
woven by diagonal weaving, the universal method among the southern 
tribes of the United States upon all baskets whatever. The headband 
of leather is attached to the sides of the basket. 

On the west coast of America, south of the peninsula of Alaska, the 
sled, the kayak, and the portable canoe disappear, and the porter at 
once assumes his carrying devices, aud does not lay them aside again 
until the Straits of Magellan are reached. Both head and breast band 
are brought into play. With the former the reader is familiar. 

The breastband is a flat piece of textile or hide extending from a 

•"Discovery and Conquest of Terra Florida," Pnblica tions of the Haklnyt Society 
1851, p. 52. 

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load on a man's back across his arms and breast. Sometimes it is seen 
quite up to the collar bone, again it crosses almost down to the elbows. 
A good picture of this device is given by Krause. He figures a Chilkat 
man, barefoot, wearing trousers and blouse, and carrying a pack sup- 
ported by a headband and breastband. Between the former and the 
forehead lies a soft pad. 1 (Fig. 139.) 

Schwatka was astonished at the endurance of the Alaskan carriers, 
and says that the Indian packers over these mountain passes usually 
carry 100 pounds, although one 
he had witnessed walked along 
readily with 127, and a miner 
informed him that his party 
employed one that carried 160. 
The cost of carriage of a pack 
(100 pounds) over the Chilkoot 
trail for miners has been from 
$9 to $12, and the Indians were 
not inclined to see him over at 
any reduced rates, despite the 
large amount of material re- 
quired to be transported, some 
2 tons. By giving them two 
loads, or doubling the time over 

the portage, a slight reduction - 

could be had, not worth the 
time lost in such an arrange- 
ment, and he made contracts 
with enough of them to carry 
his effects over at once. " Mr. 
Spuhn was also very energetic Fig. 138. 

in hi8 efforts tO Secure for choctaw cakuyino-basket, common among MU8KHO- 

me better terms, but without UKAN TBIBE8 - 

7 Cat. No. 91S08. U. S. N. M. Collected by Kdward Palmer. 

avail, and after 1 crossed the 

trail I in no way blamed the Indians for their stubbornness in 
maintaining what seemed at first sight to be exorbitant, and only 
wondered that they would do this extremely fatiguing labor so reason- 

Schwatka gives a view on Payer portage, representing a Chilkat 
Indian with two ammunition boxes going over the pass. The amount 
some of these packers will carry seems marvei jus, and makes esti- 
mates for pack mules or trails therefor seem suj erfluous. Their only 
packing gear is a couple of bands, one passing over the forehead where 
it is flattened out into a broad strip, and the other over the arms 
and across the breast. The two meet behind on a level with the 
shoulder, and are there attached to lashings more or less intricate, 

1 Aurel Krause, "Die Tlinket-Iodianer," Jena, 18S5, p. 101. 

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according to the nature of the material to be transported. If a box or 
stiff bag, the breast band is so arranged in regard to length that when 
the elbow is placed against it (the box), the strip 
fits tightly over the extended forearm across the 
palm of the hand bent backward. The head- 
band is then the width of the hand beyond this. 
Schwatka saw a few Indians arranging their 
j>acks and their harness according to this mode. 
The harness proper will not weigh over a pound, 
and the lashing according to its length. The 
strip across the head and breast is of uutanned 
deerskin, about 2 inches wide, with holes or slits 
in the ends protected from tearing out by spindles 
of bone or ivory. 1 

u It seemed marvelous beyond measure how 
these small Indians, not averaging,! believe, over 
140 pounds each, could carry 100 pounds up such 
a precipitous mountain, alternately on steeply 
inclined glacial snow and treacherous rounded 
bowlders where a misstep in many places could 
have hurled them hundreds of feet down the 
slope or precipices. 

"The Indian would chase a goat, almost keep- 
ing up with him, down into the valley where 
we camped, and up the steep mountain slopes 
of the eastern side equally as high as those men- 
tioned, and all this immediately after he had carried over 100 pounds 
across the trail." 2 

Fig. 139. 


Prom n figure in " Die Tlitiket In- 
dinner," by Krauae. 

Fig. 140. 


Soul heart tern Alaska. 

Cat. No. 168163, U. S. N M. Collate.) by Ilertxrt ()«d»n. 

Example No. 168 1G3 (fig. 140) is a wallet of spruce root from south- 
eastern Alaska, near Fort Wrangell. It is a shallow bowl or tray, 

1 Schwatka, "Military Roconnoissauce in Alaska/' 1883, p. 23, fig. 8. 
8 Ibid., pp. 17-18. 

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circular in outline, and flexible. The noteworthy characteristic is the 
mixture of art in its production. In the weft every alternate row is 
twined and the next plainly woven. Now Dixon s Entrance is the 
point of contact of the Koluschan or Tlingit, the Skittagetan or Haida, 
the Chimmesyan and the Wakashan or Haeltzukan families, and Sal- 
ishan tribes are not far distant. On the north of Dixons Entrance 
twined weaving in split spruce root attains its perfection. On the 
south of it, in the cedar-bark country, plain weaving and diagonal 
or diaper weaving 
have their develop- 
ment. In this spec- 
imen a Tlingit 
woman might have 
woven one row and 
a Wakashan woman Fig . U1> 

the alternate TOW. PLAITED cabryino-band and line, used by the makah (wakashan) 
On a ffreat manv Indians, neah bay, Washington. 

trade baskets and cau no. ,*», u. s. n. m. ™^yj. m „a. s „ D . 

fanciful articles, such as covered bottles, this alternation reappears. 

The handle is a loop of spruce-root rope on one margin and a loose end 

on the other margin to fit therein. 

Speaking of the necessity of carriers from the coast, Seton-Karr 

says that when the Chilkats are all gone, those interior regions which 

are only attainable on foot with pack-carriers or packers will become 

more difficult of ac- 
cess, because now 
these Indians, bro- 
ken as they are by 
disease, can yet 
carry heavier packs 
than a white man. 
Fig. 142. They can travel far- 


INI>,ANS dure greater hard- 

cm. No. 23478, U. S. N. M. CollwtfHiby J«n.e» G. Swan. . . ___ _ 

ships. They do not 
require so much in the shape of clothes and bedding. Their dried 
salmon, which they carry as food, weighs little, and they are satisfied 
with that. They are able, moreover, to supplement this with many 
kinds of roots, herbs, and fruits which are eatable. 1 
Mrs. Allison says of the Similkameen : 

Before there was any regular means of transport over the mountains lying between 
Hope, on the Frazer, and the Similkameen, the Indians used to be employed to pack 
provisions over on their backs. Their packs were suspended by means of a band or 
strap passed over their foreheads [see figs. 141 and 142], and I have known some of 
them to pack three sacks of flour (150 pounds) on their back while traveling on snow- 
shoes for a distance of 65 miles over a rough, mountainous road, with a depth of 25 
feet of snow on the summit of the Hope Mountain, over which the trail ran. Some- 

1 Seton-Karr, Proc. Roy. Geog. Soc, London, 1891, xm, p. 73. 

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times a whole family would start out on one of these packing expeditions, the children 
as well as their parents, each taking a load and accomplishing the journey in six or 
eight days, according to the state of the road. If an unusually violent snowstorm 
overtook an Indian while traveling in the mountains he would dig a hole in the snow, 
cover himself with his blanket, and allow himself to he snowed up; here he would 
calmly sleep until th«^ snow had passed, then he would proceed on his journey. 1 

Mayne's testimony is to the same effect: 

The things were then divided into bundles or packs, of as even weight as possible, 
giving some 50 or 60 pounds to each man. Arranging these packs is a matter of no 
little difficulty, for the Indian has a great objection to altering his load after he has 
started, so that you have to give the men carrying the provisions, which grow 

lighter daily, a heavier load at starting than 
those who have the canteen or the tent to 

They generally stop for some five minutes' 
rest every half hour. This they do with sur- 
prising regularity. They generally squat 
near a ledge of rock on which they can rest 
their burden without removing it. They 
carry everything the same way, vU, with a 
band over the forehead, the pack resting on 
their shoulder blades or a little below. 2 

Of the Columbia Indians Lewis and 
Clark speak : 

The morning was cool; the wind high, 
from the northeast. The Indians whp ar- 
rived last night took their empty canoes on 
their shoulders and carried them below the 
great shoot, where they put them in the 
water and brought them down the rapid, 
till at the distance of 3£ miles they stopped 
to take in their loading, which they had 
been afraid to trust in the last rapid, and 
had therefore carried by land from the head 
of the shoot. 3 

Fig. 143. 



Tram a photograph In D. S. National Museum. 

The men and women about Still- 
water, Mont., carry loads in a similar 
way. (Fig. 143.) The packer takes areata or rope about the size of one's 
finger, made out of Buffalo skin or braided elk skin (three plait), lays it 
on the ground in shape of a loop, and places the load across it. They 
generally get a little rise in the ground or a cut bank ; but if on the level 
of a prairie they are helped by one of their number to raise it or else 
work over on their side until they can get upon their knees, when they 
are all right. After placing their load of 100 pounds each of flour or 
a quarter of a buffalo or steer or a bundle of dry wood they, with their 
back against it, take the curve or bend of the rope over their head, 

•Allison, Journ. Anthrop. Inst., London, 1892, xxi, pp. 305-306. 
*Mayne, "British Columbia and Vancouver Island," pp. 100-101. 
3 " History of the Expedition under the command of Lewis and Clark," New York, 
1893, ii, p. 684. 

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down across the breast and across the shoulders, and then, taking one of 
the ends in each hand, bring them up behind their back, catch the rope 
on top of the load by running each end under; then, pulling the ends 
over each shoulder, tighten the load, if loose, and then raise on one 
side, then the other, to make it more secure, and with a heave forward 
the carrier comes to the knees before getting on the feet. The load or 
burden rests on the back and shoulders. When moving, the body is 
bent forward, and the heavier the load the more the body is inclined. 
I have seen them carry wood over 4 miles in this way, resting whenever 
they find a suitable place, like 
a cut bank or washed gully, so 
the load will be even with the 
place and can be taken again 
in a minute or so. 

It will be observed that the 
regulation carrying strap is 
for the professional packer. 
When good textiles abound 
along the shores and inland, 
from Sitka southward, the car- 
rying wallet and conical bas- 
ket come into vogue. In the 
land of the giant cedar and of 
the soft grasses theformer pre- 
vails. Under the domination 
of more rigid material the cone 
comes into play. The freight 
also is different. Most of the 
dwellings of the fishing peo- 
ple are by the water side, the 
freight can not be packed and 
the haul is short: 

ExampleNo. 127843 (fig. 144) 
is a carrying wallet from the 
Quinaielt Indians, a Salishan 
tribe in Chehalis County, 
Wash., collected by Charles Willoughby. By reference to the illustra- 
tion it will be seen that the apparatus is a combination of the head 
band and line, a kind of inverted sling, with a bag. The band is braided 
in the same manner as in the foregoing figure. 

The construction of the wallet is of interest. The general texture 
is precisely that of the typical Chilkat blanket and the Sitka wal- 
lets, only the material is twine, the weaving is loose and flexible, and 
the warp is horizontal. At the top are one or two interesting features 
introduced to strengthen the border. Two rows of close-twined weav- 
ing are laid on outside as in the style called " bird-cage" stitch. The 

Fig. 144. 


An example of twined weaving, with horizontal warp. 

Cat. No. 1X7843, V. S N. M. tjumaielt (Salishnn) I milium, Washington. 
Collected by Charleti Wil'.oughby. 

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ends of the weft are braided down into one another, drawn tight and 
cut off. 

Example No. 19026 (fig. 145) is a conical carrying basket used by the 
Clallam Indians. It was collected by James G. Swau. It is introduced 
to show how the savage inventor would convert a soft wallet* of the 
north into a hard cone of the south. The web of the basket is from 
rushes united by twine weaving, by braiding, and by the plaiting of 
a single filament. This soft, open network is converted into a light but 
strong cone by the insertion of a hoop into the top and the fixing of 

six vertical rods to the hoop at 
equal distances, uniting their 
ends at the bottom of the cone, 
and sewing them to the texture 
of the wallet inside. 

Example No. 19289 (fig. 146) is 
a burden basket used by McCloud 
River Indians, California, col- 
lected by Livingstone Stone. In 
the Clallam basket just noted, 
the headband encircles the cone 
about the middle, raising the load 
high on the back, after the man- 
ner of the Oriental water car- 
riers. Indeed, the conical basket 
and the conical jar should be 
studied together as for the back 
instead of the head. Farther 
south it will be seen that the 
Pueblo women make their jars 
for the head, while the Papago 
make theirs for the back, hence 
Fj 146 the variety in form. (Fig. 146.) 


hbad-band from pyramid lake, nevada. abundance of rhus, hazel, wil- 

ChL No. 19026, U. S. N. M. Collected by Stephen I'owrr-. _ . _ x _ . . , 

low, pine root, and other rigid 
material and may decorate the surface with different fern stems, 
straw, and dyed splint. So she makes her baskets in twined weav- 
ing, having rigid switches or small stems for her warp. But in 
this central California region there is a device of strengthening 
the texture not sufficiently explained in the drawing. It is, in fact, 
the union of what has been called the twined stitch with the bird-cage 

There are three elements: £1) The fundamental or vertical warp of 
twigs; (2) across this at right angles a horizontal subsidiary warp 
of twig carried around in the process of weaving, and (3) a web or weft 
of twined weaving uniting the two. Dr. Hudson, of Yokaia, Cal., the 

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best authority oil such matters, draws attention to the fact that all 
the northern stitches culminate in the Sacramento Valley and parts 
adjacent, and that the Yo- 
kaian stock are very adept at 
this composite style of tex- 
ture. The top of this basket 
is strengthened by a hoop, to 
which the carrying baud is 
attached. The bottom is 
strengthened by close weav- 

The Pomo Indians use a 
conical basket for carrying, 
held on the back in a sling, 
the headband of which passes 
over the carrier's brow. Dr. 
Hudson once saw an old wo- 
man carry 3 bushels of pota- 
toes in this manner through 
mud and rain to her home 2 
miles distant. Greater loads 
are not unusual to the men, 
and as a consequent result of 
such customary labor the Dig- 
ger Indian is abnormally de- 
veloped in the dorsal and 
the anterior cervical muscles, 
besides having a chest magnificent in proportions. 

Example No. 126907 (fig. 147) is an elaborately constructed headband 

worn by the Natano baud of Hupa 
Indians, Athapascan stock, living on 
the reservation of the same name in 
northern California: It consists of a 
loosely woven, visor-like pad to fit on 
the forehead, and is held in place by a 
rope made of the warp of the pad, 
served with twine made from the 
native hemp. This apparatus is first 
placed on the head, and then the 
headband of the load or of the 
tracking line is worn over it. It 
must be remembered that the Hupa 
are the kin folks of the Carrier 
Indians of Canada and Alaska. Collected by Capt. P. H. Ray, U. S. A. 
Farther southward and in the mountains north of San Francisco Bay 

Fig. 146. 



Cat. No. 19289, U. S. N. M. Colic ted by Livingston Stone. 


Fig. 147. 



Cat. No. 126907, U. S. N. M. Collected by Oipt. P. H. Kay, 

U. S. A. 

1 J. W. Hudson, Overland Monthly, 1893, xxi, p. 573, 

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dwell the most exquisite of American basket makers. They use the 
conical carrying basket, and from each of the stocks the U. S. National 
Museum has a large collection. They also make globular baskets in 
large quantity and of many sizes, but these are quiet holders of things, 
not carriers. If they were they would sit on the head after the manner 
of a Zufii vase. 

In the companion pictures here given (figs. 148 and 149) the two 
styles of weaving are shown, the open and the close, though both have 

Fig. 148. Fig. 149. 


Oiliforuia. California. 

From a phuto«rnph in thi- C. 8. National Muh*miiii »»y H. W. From u photograph id the I?. S National Muwum by M. W. 
Hi-H.thaw. Hrn*haw, 

the same stitch. In the administration and mingling of the twine and 
the coil the natives of central California developed as many as seven 
distinct varieties of weaving, which will be minutely described in a 
paper on the industrial arts of the aboriginal Americans. The man 
is a Yokaia, reduced to poverty by the new regime, and is seen carry- 
ing wood. The staff is of great help to the bearer with the headband. 
The other picture represents a Porno woman bearing a lighter load 
in a conical basket. The headband encircles the middle of the utensil, 
and passes across the woman's forehead well up. The basket is woven 

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by the twined process, and ornamented in bands and triangles with 
split stems of maidenhair fern. 

Example No. 42155 (fig. 150) is one of a large number collected among 
the Utes of Utah by Maj. J. W. Powell. The Utes belong to the Slio- 
shonean stock, stretching from the northern border of Mexico to Costa 
Rica. In each culture area they will be found adapting themselves to 
circumstances and yet preserving their originality: 

(1) In the north they carry luggage iu folders or cases of rawhide, as 
do the Sioux and other dependents on the buffalo. 

(2) In the Great Interior Basin, of which they were practically the 
owners in aboriginal days, the 

Ute-Shoshoneans were glean- 
ers of all sorts of grass seeds ; 
the women went out with coni- 
cal baskets, stood them on the 
point behind a bunch of goose 
foot or other plant, with a fan 
knocked the seeds into the cone 
until it was full, hung the load 
on their backs by means of the 
headband, and carried it home. 
The contents were winnowed, 
ground, and cooked by the same 
industrious women. 

(3) In the pueblo country the 
Utes are represented by the 
mixed Moki pueblo, where, as 
will be seen, four or five quite 
distinct types of carrying bas- 
kets are made. 

(4) In Mexico and southward Fig. iso. 

the Aztecan becomes the great- lJTK 8EEI> -»ahkrt and oathkrinq-fan. 

est of burden bearers. c " 1 No 42,r * ' s s M ^"^ a by M " j J w Powc " 

The cones here described are made of split osiers, rhus stems, and 
the scions of other plants not identified, worked into twined weaving, 
leaving a very rough surface on account of the harshness of the material. 
Once in a while a narrow band of black varies the monotony. But 
nothing is more striking in the immense Powell collection of Ute 
material than the lack of variety in the color of the buckskin clothing 
and the uniform hue and texture of the carrying baskets and bottles.. 

Examples Kos. 131139 and 18897 (figs. 151 and 152) are carrying nets 
from the Missions in California. The latter is marked Temecula,who are 
Shoshonean; the former is simply accredited to the Missions. In the 
Powell collection from Utah is another carrying net, No. 11244. Each 
of these is a strip of open netting with fixed meshes, gathered up at the 

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ends into an eyelet or loop like a hammock and provided with a carrying 
rope of the same kind. The nets are of bast fiber, probably Apocymtnu 
The knots of two of them are the standard-mesh knot, bowline on a 
bight, in nautical phrase; the other is square. The geographic distri- 
bution of knots will be considered later, but the reader practically bids 
adieu to the rigid mesh knot with the Pueblo region and takes up the 
plain coil, half hitch, wrapped filament of all America south. This is 
seen in carrying nets and hammocks. 1 

Before leaving the Shoshonean sphere of influence, it is necessary to 

Fig. 151. Fig. 152. 



Cat N<>. 131139. V. .«*. N. M. C..II-. t.-.l I, y St. ,,!„■,, Jam.*. Cm. No. 1*W7, It. S. N. M. Cllw ir.l ».y F.lwanl PaJmrr. 

mention another carrying device whose texture and material are the 
same as that of the Ute conical burden basket. Example No. 42121) is 
one of a large number of tight carrying bottles or .jars, used iu the 
transportation of water. After being closely woven the vessel is dipped 
in hot pitch, and this closes every chink. These vessels are much 
stronger than pottery; indeed, it seems impossible to break one in the 
ordinary wear and tear. In the course of the weaving lugs or loops 
are left on the side for the carrying band. These water bottles in their 

1 Cf. Kep. Smithsonian lust. (IT. S. Nat. Mns.), 1887, p. 369, fig. 75. 

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use are not confined to the Utes, being seen in the hands of Apaches 
and Pueblo peoples. The Apaches are Athapascans, and are most 
expert in coiled basket bowl weaving. It is fair to infer that they 
possess this type of water jar by trade or that they were early taught 
the art of making them in their new homes. 1 (Fig. 153.) 

Davis speaks of Indian women carrying water along on the march for 
the Spaniards to drink. 2 

Vaca says of the Arbadaos, a tribe of Indians in western Texas, that 
they go naked, and tear their flesh in passing through the woods and 

Fig. 153. 


From a photograph iu the l.\ S.«.i.iil Mu^um. 

bushes. They were obliged to carry heavy loads of wood upon their 
backs, and the cords which bound it on cut into their flesh. This refers 
to Vaca's party 3 in this instance, but shows the common method of 
carrying in this region. 
Vaca also speaks of a separate class of emasculated men among some 

'Cf. Rep. Smithsonian Inst. (U. S. Nat. Mus.), 1887, p. 268, fig. U. Apache woman 
carrying water bottle. 

2 "Spanish Conquest of New Mexico," Doylestowu, 1869, p. 89. 
'Ibid., p. 77. 

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Texan tribes who, among other functions, carried heavy burdens. They 
were more muscular and taller than other men and bore burdens of 
great weight. 1 

The Apaches also use a modified conical basket, example No. 21489 
(fig.154). The material aud the stitch are precisely thoseof the TJtes, but 
there are three noticeable features. The basket is oblong, like a northern 
pack ; the surface is decorated by plain colored and checkered bands, and 
hanging from the top aud the bottom are fringes of buckskin, at the 
ends of which are the false hoofs of deer and bits of tin rolled up. 
The reader is now in the midst of the arid region including the cliff 

dwellings and the pueblos. Into 
it have come tribes from the four 
quarters and introduced every 
form of carry in g apparatus known 
thereabout. They also preserve 
to us forms obsolete elsewhere. 
In addition to this, for three hun- 
dred and fifty years, Spanish 
^ influence has been at work pro- 
ducing modifications and making 
additions. The women who go to 
the mesa for clay now bring it 
home in old blankets in good 
European style, slung over one 
shoulder like a peddler's pack. 
Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff calls the 
attention of the writer to a curious 
shifting of the industrial center in 
those pueblos where the men col- 
lect wood in the adjoining plains, 
carry it by toilsome journeys up 
* iR ' 154 * the mesas just to burn it for the 


Indians of Arizona. ashes. The creating of fires in 

ra no.^.us nm r...w,,..,, yJ .ii. w ..„,. the pi a i u would disturb all the 

social economy of the mixed populations. 

The Moki or llopi pueblos, seven in number, in northeastern Ari- 
zona, have been carefully studied by many ethnologists, latterly by 
the Bureau of Ethnology and by Dr. J. Walter Fewkes. These tribes, 
of mixed linguistic affinity, have several marked varieties of basketry, 
especially for carrying: (1) wickerwork, warp rigid, weft flexed; 
(2) diagonal weaving, of split yucca leaf; (3) coiled work, in meal 
plaques, etc.; (4) twined work, in water jars. 

Example No. 701)37 (tig. lf>5) is one of a large number of carry- 
ing baskets from Moki in wickerwork, the same manipulation being 
practiced on pretty plaques and flat, quadrilateral mats. The mate- 
rial is the unbarked twigs of little shrubs yet undetermined. The 

1 Davis, "Spanish Conquest of Now Mexico," Doyleatown, 1H69, p. 



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quadrilateral form and framework of these baskets recall the Arikaree 
specimen before described. The headband is attached to the ends one- 
third of the distance from the top. 

Example No. 42153 is figured by 
Stevenson, in connection with a 
plaque having woven center and 
wicker border. 1 

Example No. 42199 (fig. 15G) is a 
carrying basket of split yucca fiber 
leaf in diagonal weaving, collected 
by James Stevenson. There are a 
great many specimens of this ware 
in the U. S. National Museum vary, 
ing in form from a flat tray to a 
deep fruit-picking basket. All of 
them are coarse, light, strong, and 
often made to be quite ornamental 
by the variation of the stitch and 
alternating of the two sides of the 
leaf, one green and the other 
whitish* The headband is attached 
to the rim. The various styles are 
figured by Colonel Stevenson. 2 

Example No. 42129 (fig. 157) is a 
water-tight jar for carrying water, Fig. 155. 

Collected at Wolpi, One Of the Moki 'wit-picker's basket from tusayan, Arizona. 

■•■I • __ *■• . » . ChL No. 70937, IT. S. N. M. Collet-led by J nine* Stevenson. 

pueblos m northeastern Arizona, 

by James Stevenson. It is of split osiers made in coiled work, after 

the fashion of the Apache trays, and 
dipped in hot pitch. Lugs of horse- 
hair are attached to the sides for 
the headband. This should be com- 
pared with Ute and Apache speci- 
mens, the more especially since 
these make no pottery, while the 
Moki are excellent potters. 

The basketry of the Zuiii In- 
dians, in New Mexico, as it exists 
in the U. S. National Museum is 
Fig- 156. of very rude and ordinary form, 

YAN, ARIZONA. , . , , ,. , ., , 

„ „ ,, , terial and motive to its construc- 

Cnt No. 4*199, U. S. N. M. Collet-ted by James Slevenwn. 
From a figure in the Second Annual Report of the Bureau of tiOtt. TllC twilled, COiled Wicker, 

Kthno,owr and diagonal or plaited styles exist, 

but no original fashions are developed. 

1 Second Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, figs. 539, 540. 
8 Ibid., figs. 543-545. 

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Example No. 22971 (fig. 158), collected by James Stevenson, is built 
up on corner bows and warp of three sticks together; the filling is in 
wicker and the ends are fastened off very neatly by tucking them in. 1 
Example No. 40093 (fig. 159) is a modern specimen of Moki pottery 
collected by James Stevenson, and is one of a large number illustrating 
the control of the carrying function over form. It may be called an 
aboriginal canteen and could have been influenced in shape by those 
of civilized peoples. At any rate, the mouth has relation to filling and 
en)|)tyiug, the flat side to the convenience of the carrier; the lugs are 
for the headband, for the Moki wears the canteen on the back and not 
on the hip with the strap over the shoulder. Finally, the whole motive 

of ornamentation is con- 
trolled by the industrial 
form. The axis of ornament 
has revolved outward IK) de- 
grees from the mouth to the 
apex of the outer side. In 
the great variety of canteens 
figured by Stevenson this is 
true. 2 

Water jars, globose in 
form,with wide open mouths 
and receding bottoms to fit 
the carrier's head (fig. 160), 
exist by thousands in Zuiii 
and other pueblos. 3 

Carrying on the head is 

not an American Indian 

Fig. 157. native custom. There are 

BASKKTBY A*D COVEKKD WITH 1ITC. ^ ^ j ftrg ^fa concave 

From, figure in «h..S, ( - f ,,,l Annual U, IM .rt of , ll ,-Hun,u I ,.(F..hnol.. )jy . bottOmS tO facilitate CaiTV- 

Cat. No. 42129, L\ S. N. M. Cnll.i t.-.l |,y Jmnfn Su-v.-nson. . J _ _ _ , __ * A 

mg them on the head. But 
these arc all post-Columbian. Not all the Pueblos even in our day prac- 
tice toting, keeping up the good old custom, once in vogue from Smith 
Sound to Patagonia, of bearing loads on the back held in place by a 
band across the forehead or the breast. No ancient American water 
jars seem to have concave bottoms, but the circular padded ring is 
found in Arizona and New Mexico, and occurs in some collections from 
ancient sites. Dr. J. Walter Fewkes has found only one fragment of 
a small jar punched up at the bottom. It is therefore possible that 
the ancient inhabitants of Tusayan may have carried water on the 

•Figured also in Rep. Smithsonian Inst. (U. S. Nat. Mus.), 1884, fig. 80; and in Sec- 
ond Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, figs. 484-488. 

2 Second Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, 1883, figs. 385-397. 

3 Op. eit., figs. 350-38 1. The papers of Holmes on the development of form and 
ornament should he examined. 

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head in jars convex or rounded on the bottom by means of the padded 

ring. The presence of the rings does not prove this altogether, since 

their function may have been 

to uphold the jar but not to 

carry it. 
The head and the breast 

band, the shoulder and atlas 

yoke, and toting seem to have 

divided the earth among them 

in early times as carrying 

methods, and their areas are 

quite contiguous. 
Example No. 40473 is called 

a carrying pad, ha kin ne, of 

the Zuni Indians. It is made 

of the dried leaves of the 

Yucca baccata, split and 

plaited as in making a whip. 

Tbese rings are made to fit the 

head comfortably, and serve 

the double purpose of sustain- 
ing a jar of water on the head 

and holding it upright on tbe 

ground. They also preserve 

the soft pottery from wearing 


Example No. 40466, collected in the pueblos of Arizona and New 

Mexico, illustrates a va- 
riety of head pads used 
in carrying jars. The 
Irish milkmaid catches 
up a kerchief or cloth 
and by a quirk or two 
converts it into a ring 
or crown which she 
places on her head be- 
fore setting thereon the 
brimming pail. The 
Zuiii water carrier pro- 
vides herself with a 
thick ring of bark, or 
especially of closely 
Fig. 159. braided yucca, and on 

this she sets her round- 
bottomed jar. The 

same ring serves also in keeping the jar upright on tbe floor of her room. 
II. Mis. 90, pt. 2 30 

J?'ig. 1»8. 



Cat, No. 22971, U. S. N. M. Collected by J*m« Stevenann. 

Cut. No. 40093. V. S. N. M. ColWtfd by J»im»* Stevenson. 

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The making of jars with receding bottoms modifies the size and func- 
tion of the ring 1 (fig. 161). 

Fig. 160. 


Cat. No. 41150, t'. S. N. M. Collected by Jarne* Steverutou. 

Ooronado (1540) wrote to his superior in Mexico: " I send your lord- 
ship two rolles which the women 
in these parts are woont to weare 
on their heads when they fetch 
water from their wells, as we used 
to do in Spain; and one of these 
Indian women with one of these 
rolles on her head will carrie a 
pitcher of water, without touch- 
ing the same, up a lather." * 

Leaving the pueblo country 
the student may transfer his 
investigations among the un 
classed Mission Indians, the Tu- 
rn an, and the Piman families, all 
about the Colorado mouth. The 
U. S. National Museum is in- 
debted to the Pasadena Asso- 
ciation and to Miss Picher for 
some observations among the 
Mission carrying people. It is 
Fig 161 a singular fact that Indian wo- 


knives as they may get, dry it, 

Cat. No. 40466." U. S. N. M. Collected by Jame* Mevenson. 

>Cf. Second Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, 1883, fig. 486; Rep. Smithsonian Inst. 
(U.S. Nat. Mus.), 1887, fig. 19, Zuiii woman carrying water vase. 
2 Publications of the Hakluyt Society, London, 1890, in, p. 454. 

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and sell it as hay to the Government. The huge bundles are rolled 
up and tied, and are carried on the top of the back, being held up in 
a variety of ways. In one case the good woman thrusts the end of a 
stick under the binding rope and holds onto that. In another, the 
woman attaches the ends of her carrying strap to the wrapping cord of 
the bundle, using the stick for a cane, and in a third case she uses both 
headband and staff, holding onto the latter with both hands above the 
shoulders (fig. 162). 

Kockhill figures a woman of Imamu Chuang carrying a bundle of 
fagots on her back by means of a shoulder band. 1 

Fig. 162. 


From it photograph in the V. S. National Museum by Mus Annie II. I'uher. 

Example Fo. 19742 (fig. 163) is a basket for carrying cactus fruit, 
collected among theDiegenos Indians, of the Yuuian family, on the Mis- 
sion Eeservation, in Lower California. As will be seen, it is in twined 
weaving of the rudest sort, a globose wallet, strikingly similar in shape 
to the great pottery ollas made and used by the neighboring tribes. 
The noteworthy character about the specimen is the occurrence of 
twined weaving so far south. On the testimony of the national collec- 
tions there does not exist a tribe south of this line that practices it. 

Example No. 24145 (fig. 164) is one of the most interesting specimens 
in the world. It is the carrying frame and net of the Mohave Indians, 

1 " Diary of a Journey through Mongolia aud Tibet," 1894, Smithsonian Inst., p. 81. 

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of the Yuman stock, dwelling about the mouth of the Colorado River, 
iu Arizona. They live largely upon the inesquite bean, which they 
gather, pod and all, and grind for bread. Two poles 8 feet long bent 
in the form of an oxbow and crossing each other at right angles form 
the ground work. These are held in place by lashing at the bottom 
and by a hoop at the top. Four or five strong twines of agave fiber 
pass from the hoop above to the bottom of the framework between each 
pair of uprights. These and the uprights constitute the warp. The 

weft is a new type of Iudiau 
textile on the Pacific Coast 
called "wrapped" weaviug. 
A single twine is coiled round 
and round the frame, making 
meshes with the warp half an 
inch wide. Every time this 
weft passes the warp strings 
or poles, it is simply wrapped 
once around. The roughness 
of the agave fiber holds the 
wrap from slipping and pre- 
serves a tolerably uniform 
mesh. Foster describes the 
finding of cloth in a mound 
in Butler County, Ohio, and 
figures a specimen in which 
the twines are wrapped in the 
same manner. 1 The head- 
band is a rag tied to two of 
the upright sticks. This 
should be compared with the 
Jarawa basket, p. 433. 

Fig. 163. . 


(yuman) inmans <>K California. native twine a kind of earry- 

C.«t. No. VJ7U, V. S. N. .M. l.y K.Unr.l r.,ln.-r. • 1 1 J. 1 J *i i 

ing basket or hod called 
kilio. liandelier finds mention of it in the tradition of the Casa 
Grande. 2 

The principle is the same as that of the Mohave carrier just described, 
and the functions and environments are the same, but the structure is 
different. The Pimas dwell in the northwestern corner of Mexico, con- 
tiguous to the Yuma. They are by some considered a separate family, 
by others to be allied to the Nahuatl or Uto-Aztecan. At any rate, 
their weaving on the kiho or carrying basket is of the south. 

Example No. 1U6G80 (fig. 165) is a kiho of the Pimas collected by 
Edward Palmer. It consists of four straight sticks 4 feet long, tied 

•Foster, "Prehistoric Knees/' Chicago, 1873, p. 225, fig. 29. 

- Bandolier, Archaeological Inst. Am. (Am. Series), in, 1890, p. 255. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


together at one end for the bottom of the utensil, and fastened to a 
hoop at the other end for the top. 

The network is done with a needle, and not with the fingers. It is 
netting or lace work, and not weaving at all. There is nothing to serve 
as a warp. The whole surface of the frame is covered by a continuous 
coil of agave fiber twine from bottom to top. Each coil is looped into 
the one beneath it by a u buttonhole stitch " or u half hitch," as shown 
in the drawing. In the Mexican hammocks each coil is simply caught 
under the preceding at regular intervals, while in more pretentious 
work the moving part is 
wrapped once, twice, or three 
times about the standing part 
as in Canadian snowshoes. 

Accompanying this speci- 
men and every other one of the 
kind in actual life is the staff, 
which serves a multitude of 
purposes to be explained later. 

The Pimas and their neigh- 
bors make use of gourds as well 
as of pottery in carrying water 
and more compact freight. 

Example No. 7G047 (fig. 160) 
is a carrying gourd from the 
Pima country, collected by 
Edward Palmer. It is inter- 
esting in this connection on 
account of the net in which it 
is inclosed. About the bot- 
tom the twine is laid in the 
style of the Pima kiho. It is Fjg m 

COlJeclin nail hitches. ADOUt carrying-basket, wrapprd weaving, used by the 
the top it is served around the mohave Indians of Arizona. 

gourd itself in a series of half CnU No 24U6 1 s N M Co,,ett, ; d ,,y F,,w " ra Pa,u,er 

hitches. The headband is a rag caught into the network. 

Example No. 19478 is a globular gourd from San Diego, Cal., Mission 
Indians. It is mounted in two zones of leather above and below, with 
lashing of rawhide rove through holes cut along their inner border like 
the snare of a drum, holding about a gallon. 

The Papago Indians of northwestern Mexico make a very elaborate 
carrying device also called "kiho." Example No. 70033 (tig. 1G7) is a 
small-sized kiho collected by Edward Palmer. Four sticks and a hoop, 
as in the specimen last described, form the ground work, but they are 
disposed quite differently. Two of them, forming the back of the uten- 
sil, are 6 feet long, and extend below the kiho for legs and above it for 
binding the top load. The front pair of sticks start from the back pair a 

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foot, more or less, from the ground 
forms the upper border. This 
boop is so adjusted to these four 
8tieks that when the woman is 
leaning forward with the load on 
her baek the hoop shall be hori- 

Covering the space between the 
hoop and the junction of the four 
sticks is a pyramidal bag of net- 
work starting from a ring of twine 
at the bottom and wrapped about 
the hoop at the top. This net- 
work is like that on the Pima 
basket, but is rendered ornamen- 
tal by varying, according to a pre- 
determined plan, the number of 
times the moving part shall be 
wrapped about the standing part. 
The Papago Indians of the Pirn an 
stock have been lately studied 
carefully by Professor McGee, of 
the Bureau of Ethnology, and ex- 
cellent descriptions and pictures 
of the carriers secured. It is a 
puzzle in technographic studies 
that the lacework on their carry- 
ing frame, or kiho, commonly called 

and are lashed to the hoop which 

Fig. 166. 

Cat. No. 7«M7, V. ». S. M. r„||,-cte.l l.y K.lwar.l P,»Im..t. 

Fig. 165. 



Cut S„ I2A6MO. I' 9 N. M. Collected by Edward Palmer. 

the buttonhole or half-hitch stitch, 
tii ids its most northern ex- 
tension among the Piman 
stock. Nowhere in the 
Pueblo tribes is it found, 
according to the collec- 
tions of the U. S. National 
Museum. But south of 
the Piman it occurs in 
Central America, in Latin 
South America as far 
south as Tierra del Fuego, 
where it will bo found to 
be the only attempt at 
textiles. The open-work 
pattern is produced by en- 
largement and multipli- 
cation. The half hitches 
may be longer laterally 

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or centrifugal ly; that is, each one or a series of them may be made on 
a larger gange. The multiplication takes place in the number of winds 
of the moving about the standing part in each stitch. The pattern is in 
fact a matter of counting and a fair indication of progress in arithme- 
tic and geometry made by the Papagos. 

This network is woven from a ring or loop of cord about G inches in 
diameter, and spreads out tent like to fit a hoop 2 or 3 feet in diameter. 
This hoop is attached to 3 or more poles of varying length, which act 
as spreaders, stays, foot rests, handles, staucheons, etc. To complete 
the outfit a mat of diagonal weaving in yucca fiber extends along one 
side of the apparatus, to act 
as a pad to protect the back, 
and a headband is fastened by 
its ends to two of the upright 

Accompanying the kiho al- 
ways is a staff about 4 feet 
long, with a short crotch on 
the top. Mr. William Dinwid- 
die, who accompanied Profes 
sor McGee, secured excellent 
photographs of a woman ris- 
ing with the kiho, loaded with 
pottery and other objects (figs. 
168-170). The kiho is stood 
upon its two short legs while 
the woman sits down with her 
back against it and draws the 
headband across her forehead. 
Virtually, she harnesses her 
self to the load. Taking her 
staff firmly in the right hand 
and grasping the hoop with 

the left hand, she leans for- Fig. 167. 

ward and throws the load upon K,HO ' OR PAPAUO carrying-frame, in lace wokk. 

"U~ "U 1 13 ' * il xu. • Cut. No. 7Mttl. U. S. K. M. Collected by Edward Palmer. 

her back. Rising thereafter is 

a matter of several movements, in which the good right hand and 
the staff play a prominent part. She is now ready to walk away with 
her load. 

The professional carriers of Mexico, men and women, use two kinds 
of headband and the breastband, either singly or combined, and the 
kinds of receptacles that are attached to the body thereby, as well as 
the varieties of merchandise therein, are innumerable. The loads 
shown on their backs in the U. S. National Museum collection of 
photos are bales of hemequin fiber, bales of goods formed up to suit 
the carrier, coops of poultry, all sorts of marketing and retail mer- 

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chandise, furniture, pottery, basketry, water and pulque, frequently 
many times more bulky than tlie porter himself. The water carrier is 

Fitf. 168. 


Kroin a i>)ioti>craph in tlm Iluremi of Kthnolour. 

a man whose neck muscles are marvels of toughness, for he supports a 
globular canteen on his back by means of a headband across bis fore 


••>m .-» pb..?oc-«i>) in : v ' R-i^-sii «'f Kthn-.l.>*y 

head at the same time that lie supi*>rts a pitcher in front of him by 
means of a strap over the bregma. This process is better shown in a. 

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Mexican Water Peddler. 

The man wears the sun and rain hat, and the old-time sandals without the single 
toe string. The long vessel derives its form not from the imitation of a natural 
object, but from several exigencies. It is to be slung below the center of gravity, 
to fit the back somewhat, to be carried by means of a band across the forehead, to 
enable the bearer to empty the liquid by bending his back. The straps about the 
neck of the vessel, held by its other end in his left hand, are for the purpose of 
drawing down and guiding the mouth of the can. 

The plate is from a photograph in the U. S. National Museum by Rev. E. F. X. 
Cleveland, of Dundee, HI., who says that this is the method of distributing water 
in Guanajuato, and that the metric system of measures is employed in selling, as 
may be seen by the cup at the top of the can. The town is in a valley between 
precipitous hills. A delightful spring on the side of the mountain is conducted 
to reservoirs, whence the carriers obtain their stock. 

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Report of National Museum, 1894— Mason. PLATE 24 

Mexican Water Peddler. 

From a photograph in the U. S. National Museum presented by Rev. E. F. X. Cleveland. 

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sketch of a butcher made for the author by W. n. Holmes (fig. 171). 
The economy of supporting force is equaled by the economy of points 
of attachment. This man is at once Pueblo Indian, packer, and the 
inventor of a new method of self-imposition in the form of a load 
hanging in front. 

Illustrating the carriers of liquids there is in the U. S. National Mu- 
seum a photograph of a water peddler of Guanajuato worthy of closest 
study, for he looks as though he had dropped in from Cairo ^pl. 24). 

Fig. 170. 


From a i'ln>t.>nr;ii>l> m the Burvau ul Ktlinolojjr. 

He has on his back a jar 4 feet in length slung in leather straps and 
hung to himself by a headband attached to the bottom of the jar. To 
the top of the jar is fastened a strap the other end of which he holds 
m his left hand. In order to deliver his water he uses his spine as a 
pivot by which the jar can be brought to a horizontal position and 
guided by the straps. 

"The cargadores are trained from boyhood to carry heavy burdens 
over great distances. Don Pepe expected them to travel 8 leagues a 

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day. But when carrying lighter loads they will sometimes travel for 
several consecutive days at the rate of nearly 40 English miles a day. 
When the cargo bearers were moving in single file with their burdens, 
they looked like the Tamemes bearing tribute to Montezuma, as repre- 
sented in the ancient pictures. It is probable that these men were 
enduring labors similar to those that had been performed by their 
ancestors for centuries before the arrival of the Spaniards." * 

The Mexican carrier enters into serious competition with all modern 
schemes to improve his country. Over the devious and painful trails 
of the mountains he knows the shortest cuts. Once in a while his 

Fig. 171. 

From n sketch by \V. H. 11otui<*». 

trail lies across the railroad, which he pauses for an instant to contem- 
plate, and then he proceeds ou bis way, a bit of the olden time crossing 
the path of the nineteenth century (fig. 172). As in the drawing, his 
load on his back may be supported by breastband, or the more ancient 
headband may be in vogue. Some of bis dress is modern, but his hat, 
or migratory house to defend his head from heat and rain and his eyes 
from the beating sun, is old; it is a survival. His sandals, especially 
dedicated to the travel and transportation industry, are old in form,l>ut 
the coming of the Spaniard brought hi«m horses and cattle aud rawhide, 

^indesay Brine, "The American Indians; Their Earthworks and Temples," Lon- 
don, 1894, pp. 283-284. 

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which he did i\ot have previously, and so there is about his feet just a 
suggestion of Mediterranean influence. On the very top of his load is 
his water flask of gourd, that the ingenious horticulturist has compelled 
to grow with a constriction about its middle for the sole occupation of 
its carrying strap. Beneath that is his poncho or shawl, at once cloak, 

Fig. 172. 



From n drawing by \V. H. f handle*. 

bed cover, and umbrella. On his back between it and the load is a soft 
padding, prelude to all saddle blankets. 

The XJ. S. National Museum is indebted to E. F. X. Cleveland for 
a photo of the Mexican carrier in the last act of his drama (fig. 173). 
In this he has quit his inountaiu path and rivalry of the locomotive and 
freight car in one, and is in the act of carrying coal to feed the iron horse. 
His old-time hat gives place to the porter's cap. The visor is only the 

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shadow of the luxurious brim of his native sombrero. He can not dis- 
card the headband. His limbs are as bare as he is allowed to wear 
them, aud his sandals have antique elements. 

The carrying pole has a place in the Mexican transportation indus- 
try. Example No. 126592 (fig. 174) is a carrying device of great interest 
from Guadalajara, Mexico. The yoke is a flat piece of wood, slightly 
bent and pierced at the ends for slings or nooses. There is no cutting 
away to fit the shoulder, but the utensil may be worn as a Holland 
yoke or as a Chinese pole ad libitum. The sling at each extremity is of 
leather, attached by passing the bend through the hole and over the 
end. The noose or slipknot at the other end of the sling is for attach- 

Fi K . 173. 


From it i.|...l..«rn|.l. in th.- I'. S. N;iti»n>il l.y K. V. X. t'lt-vHand. 

ment to the top of ajar. Tn this specimen form is determined by func- 
tion. But the apparatus has another interest, for it lies exactly on the 
boundary line between the man carrier and the donkey carrier. The 
jars should have been drawn with round bottoms. They fit into a 
wooden rack, one-half of which is shown in miniature in the drawing. 
By fastening two of these together and throwing them over the back 
of a donkey four jars full of liquid may be carried, or, as one may see 
every day in San Luis Potosi, the four jnrs rest in a rack, beneath 
which is a wooden wheel suggestive of the Chinese type. In point of 
fact, the student is witness to the two transfers of loads, to wit, that 
onto the wheel and that onto the beast. 

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"The Indians of central Yucatan are accustomed to carrying, which 
their fathers pursued before them from time immemorial, and they not 
only carry merchandise and the baggage of travelers, but travelers 
themselves." l 

The mozos or porters of Guatemala are obliged, when ordered by the 
comandancia, to carry burdens not to exceed four arrobas (100 pounds). 
Their pay is 3 reales, and they must not be sent beyond their district. 
They support the burden with the" niecapal, a rawhide strap, against 
the forehead. The frame is called carcaste by the Quiche. 2 

"The women have a certain kind of dignity in their manner, caused, 
in a great measure, by their 
usage of carrying water jars 
and pans of crockery poised 
upon their heads. They there- 
fore walk slowly and hold 
themselves upright. This cus- 
tom, which begins from early 
childhood and forms part of 
their daily life, has the result 
of giving them good figures 
and a particularly graceful 

"The men, on the contrary, 
have a crouching appearance, 
caused by the method in which 
they have been accustomed 
from boyhood to carry their 
burdens. They relieve the 
pressure of the weight on their 
backs by means of a broad 
band passed over the forehead, 
and thus, by bending forward, 

the load is made less oppres- FijI . 174 . 

sive. The men and boys con- cahkywo -jaks, with i»ole and ckatk kor hamb. 
sequently contract a stooping Guadalajara, M„*ko. 

.... , Cot. No. 126.W2, U. S. N. M. Collected by Kdw»rd Palmer. 

posture, and this presents an 

unfavorable contrast to the women, whose bearing is precisely the reverse. 
There is another circumstance which has its influence in shaping the 
figures of the women. They carry all small things on the open palm of 
the left hand, which is thrown back and held well raised up. In fact, 
the same causes which affect the appearance of the Indians in North 
America are present here, but with the difference that there it is the 
squaw who contracts the stooping and bent figure, through carrying 

»Morelet, "Travels in Central America/' New York, 1871, p. 279. 
"Brigliauu, »' Guatemala," New York, 1887, p. 78 j figure, p. 98. 

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her children and other burdens, and it is the man who maintains the 

upright figure and dignified manner." l 
Example No. 129G54 (fig. 175) from Honduras, is a simple net made 

of twine in one continuous piece, wrapped 
backward and forward to form the warp and 
then woven through plainly for the weft. 
Leaving a few inches for attachment the 
selvage at each end is formed by twined 

1 weaving almost out of place in this area. 

The square netting is also rare, most of the 
bags and hammocks being in the netted 

Example No. 126805 (fig. 176) is a carrying 
frame from Honduras, collected by Consul 
A. E. Mori an. To the student of compara- 
tive technography it is worthy of close atten- 
tion. It is framed 
on two poles, on 
which rests a struc- 
ture suggestive of 
the California 
baby cradles, and 
of the porters' 
frames of West 
Africa. The sides 
and border are of 
wood, panne led 
with a textile in 
diagonal weaving. 
It is quite within 
the area of prob- 
ability that in this 

device there are borrowed African features. 
That the negro race, introduced at the be- 
ginning of the sixteenth century into middle 

America, modified and in places crowded out 

the aboriginal arts is easily proven. In the 

museum of the Feabody Academy in Salem is 

a carrying frame labeled Panama, which I here 

produce through the kindness of Prof. E. 8. 

Morse ( fig. 177). It consists simply of two palm 

fronds in which the stalks are the basis sticks, 

and the network is made up of the leaflets twined together. A headband 

of cotton cloth completes the outfit. This specimen is almost identical 

with fig. 107, from West Africa. 

1 Li ndesay Brine, "The American Indians; Their Earthworks and Temples," Lon- 
don, 1894, pp. 188-189. 

Fig. 175. 

Cat. No. 1296&4, V. S. N. M. Collect-d l.y V. 

Fig. 176. 


Cat. No. 180*05, U. S. N. M. Collctted by 
Consul A. E. THorlnn. 

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"About St. Pierre, in Martinique," says Lafcadio Hearn, u the erect 

carriage and steady, swift walk of the women who bear burdens is 

likely to impress the artistic observer 
# # # and the larger part of the 

female population of mixed blood are 

practiced carriers. Nearly all the trans- 
portation of light merchandise as well 

as of meats, fruits, vegetables, and food 

stuff 8 to and from the interior is effected 

upon human heads. • • • Packets 

are loaded and unloaded by women and 

girls — able to carry any trunk or box to 

its destination. At Fort de France the 

great steamers are entirely coaled by 

women, who carry coal on their heads, 

singing as they come and go in proces- 
sions of hundreds. The highest type 

of professional female carrier is to the 

charbonniere, or coaling girl, what the 

thoroughbred racer is to the draft horse— 
*the type of por- 
teuse selected for 
swiftness and en- 
durance to dis- 
tribute goods in 
the interior par- 
ishes, or to sell 
on commission at 
long distances. 

"At a very early age she learns to carry small 
articles upon her head, a decanter of water, or an 
orange in a plate. At 9 or 10 she is able to tote 
a tolerably heavy basket or a tray weighing from 
20 to 30 pounds and to walk barefoot 12 or 15 
miles a day. At 1G or 17 she carries a tray and 
burden of 120 to 150 pounds' weight or walks 50 
miles a day as an itiuerant seller. • * • The 
weight is so great that no well freighted porteuse 
can unassisted either load or unload herself. She 
can not even sit down under her burden. • * • 
" She wears no shoes. She must climb thou- 
sands and descend thousands of feet every day; 
march up and down slopes so steep that the horses 
of the country all break down after a few years." 1 
In St. Pierre itself women carry burdens on the head, "peddling 

: Hearn, " Two Years in the French West Indies/'. New York, 1890, p. 103. 

Fig. 177. 


From a specimen in the Peabody Academy, Salem, Maaa. 


Fig. 178. 

From a fiaure in Hearn'* " Midsummer 
in the Tropics." 

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vegetables, cakes, fruit, ready-cooked food, from door to door (fig. 178). 
# # # These women can walk all day long up and down hill in the 
hot sun, without shoes, carrying loads of from 100 to 150 pounds on their 
heads, and if their little stock sometimes fails to come up to the accus- 
tomed weight, stones are added to make it heavy enough. • • • 
I have seen a grand piano carried on the heads of four men. With the 
women the load is seldom steadied with the hand." 1 

The coaling at Kingston, Jamaica, is done by women. They lift the 
baskets upon their heads and walk on board the ship, and as they go 
round the plank and come out there is a little brass piece giveu each 
oue. These women are very skillful in Curacao. They have been 

known to take numerous clothes bas- 
kets on their heads and march along. 
You hear them paddling all day long; 
it is a continuous clatter. One of the 
curious things about them is the fact 
that the i poorest of them will have 
their pure white clothes, and a friend 
writes that in the Spanish islands 
you can buy from them just as much 
with a 3-cent piece as with a 10-cent 
piece. They bore a hole through it 
because they fear that travelers will 
spend it again. Coal is transported 
to these islands; the steamer comes 
right up alongside the wharf, and 
women carry the freight. 

In the South American Cordilleras 
the carrying art has little new infor 
mation to offer. This much is true, 
that the con figuration of the country 
and the political and commercial con 
ditions resulting therefrom multiplied 
the number of backs that had burdens to bear, made of them a class 
or caste, organized them into more complex social units, and greatly 
increased the length of the journey. Long roads were laid out, paved 
in some places, bridges were thrown over deep chasms, and a system 
of relays was established. 
Ilumboldt, speaking of the carriers in his day, says: 

In those times of oppression and cruelty (sixteenth century) which have been 
described as tho era of Spanish glory the commendatorios (encomienderos) let out 
the Indians to travelers like beasts of burden. They were assembled by hundreds, 
either to carry merchandise across the Cordilleras or to follow the armies in their 
expeditions of discovery and pillage. The Indians endured this service more 
patiently because, owing to tho almost total want of domestic animals, they had 


Fig. 179. 


From n n«ur<> in Stmifor.IV Cornp*«n«liii 

^learu, "Midsummer in the Tropics," New York, 1890, p. 40. 

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They carry stone, 

long beeu constrained to perform it, though in a less inhuman manner under the 
government of their own chiefs. 1 

The explorers of the Isthmus of Panama found the Indians engaged 
in commerce, and upon their backs laid the timbers of the first boats 
ever sailed ou the Pacific by Europeaus. In Stanford is the picture of 
a Napo Indian carrier (fig. 179). The scant costume, the basket of 
cane, the headband, the two staves, are of old. The shabby dress 
replaces the old-time clothing of bark cloth universally donned by the 
natives of tropical America formerly. 

Hassaurek says that the Indians of Ecuador carry everthing on 
their backs, the load being tied to their forehead. Their strength lies 
in the muscles of the neck and not in their arms 
brick, sand, lime, furniture, vegetables, meat, 
etc., and pass along laughing or talking, or in 
sullen silence, but yon never hear them sing. 2 

Near Quito the traveler is surprised by the 
sight of many an Indian woman, who not only 
carries a load on her back, with a babe tied to 
the top of the carga, but also spins cotton as 
she trots along. 3 Mrs. Fannie B. Ward says 
that she has seen Peruvian women and men 
walking along by the side of a llama spinning 
the wool that the animal was shedding, using 
the creature for a natural distaff. 

Whymper figures a man carrying 
a huge jar of water (fig. 180). He is 
barefooted and clad in European 
dress. Upon his lower back rests a 
pad of cloth and on the top of this 
the vessel, round bottomed and in- 
closed in a sling or network in which 
the two rope rings rest agaiust the 
sides of the jar instead of around the 
neck and the bottom. These are 
united by cross lines so as to retain the vessel from all directions. 
A strap passes from the network around the man's breast. There is 
no headband. 4 

The aboriginal water carrier of Cajamarca figured by Wiener is clad 
partly in native and partly in European rags; but his water jar is of the 
universal type, globose, with lugs on the side, through which a braided 
rope passes and thence over the right shoulder and under the left arm. 5 

1 Humboldt's Travels, Bohn, n, p. 31. 

2 Hassaurek, "Four Years Among Spanish Americans," New York, 1867, pp. 89-90. 

3 Hassaurek, op. cit., p. 89. 

4 "Great Andes of the Equator," New York, 1892, Scribner, p. 169. 

6 "P6rou et Bolivie," p. 128. 

H. Mis. 90, pt. 2 31 

Fig. 180. 

Krom ft figure in Whymper'a "Great Andes of the Equator." 

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Raimondy says the Jivaro of northern Peru carry loads of a bun 
dred weight with ease over the worst of mountain tracts. The women use 
a covering for the lower portion of the body, called the pam pan ilia, pro- 
tecting sometimes the upper portion with a man- 
tle, in which they generally carry their children 
before them. The Llameo, Cocama, and Omagua 
of Nanta are land carriers and boatmen. 1 

On the Brazilian coast Hawkins (1593 ) says that 
" the women fetch the water and do all drudgerie 
whatsoever. Their childe they carry in a wallet 
about their necke, ordinarily under one arme. r 
If one kills any game in hunting he does not 
bring it home, but strews leaves to mark his 
path and sends his wife back after it. On a 
journey or going to war the women carry all. 

Example No. 131222 (fig. 181) in the U. S. 
National Museum collections, from Sandy Point, 
Straits of Magellan, is the model of a carrying 
basket made of rushes, a specimen of which is to 
be found in every 
Fuegian bark 
canoe. The nota- 
ble feature about 
the specimen is 
that while it is a 
coiled basket it 
also has the pe- 
culiar characteristic of the Central Am- 
erican uetted bagging. As in all spiral 
basketry, the foundation is a rod or a 
bunch of fiber coiled continuously from 
bottom to top. These coils are held to- 
gether, not by a continuous whipping or 
sewing, but by a series of half hitches or 
buttonhole stitches. The Japanese lunch 
baskets carried by school children have a 
similar stitch, but the weft is wider and 
more closely woven. The handle of the 
basket is plaited. 

The Patagonians are said to build up 
their hair with a " hair lace of ostrige feath- 
ers, and make it a stoar house for all things * # # a quiver for 
their arrows, a sheath for their knives, a box for fiersticks, etc." 3 

Fig. 181. 


Strait* of Magellan. 

C»L No. Uiat, V. S. N. M. 

Fig. 182. 


from a figure in Wilkes' "Narrative of Uc United 
Stale* Eiplorinf Expedition during the rear* 18*- 

•Raimondy, "Indian Tribes of the Great District of Loreto, Northern Peru," 
Anthrop. Rev., London, 1863, i, No. 1, pp. 34-36. 

'Drake, "The World Encompassed," Publications of the Hakluyt Society, London, 
1864, pp. 50, 52. 

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Mr. im Thurn says that in Guiana the hard work falls to the women. 
They clean the house, fetch water and firewood, cook the food, make 
the bread, nurse the children, plant the fields, dig the produce, and 
when the meu travel the women carry whatever baggage is necessary. 
The women bring water for the house in clay bottles 
or gourds (goobies), or they take surianas, large bas- 
kets fitting on the back and supported by a band 
across the forehead, and fetch heavy loads of fire- 
wood. 1 

Carrying on the head is most common in Brazil. 
M. Biard gives a great variety of methods of sub- 
mitting the head to a load, among them a single 
negro toting five empty wine casks, and a company 
of six bearing a grand piano on the head, keeping 
time to the sound of a rattle. 2 

According to Wilkes the slaves are almost the only 
carriers of burdens in Eio Janeiro. They go almost 
naked, and are exceedingly numerous. They appear 
to work with cheerfulness, and go together in gangs, 
with a leader who carries a rattle filled with stones 
(fig. 182). With this he keeps time, causing them 
all to move on a dogtrot. Each one joins in the 
monotonous chorus, the 
notes seldom varying above 
a third from the key. The 
words they use are fre- 
quently relative to their 
own country; sometimes to 
what they heard from their 
master as they started with their load, but the 
sound is the same. The coffee carriers go in 
gangs of twenty or thirty. In singing, one-half 
take the air, with one or two keeping up a kind 
of hum on the common chord, and the remainder 
finish the bar. These slaves are required by 
their masters to obtain a certain sum according 
to their ability, say, from 25 to 50 cents a day, 
and to pay it every evening. The surplus be- 
longs to themselves. In default of not gaining 
the requisite sum, castigation is always inflicted. 
The usual load is about 200 pounds. 3 The methods employed are from 
the Old World and especially negroid. 

1 im Thurn, "Indians of British Guiana," I, p. 216; Wallace, '' Travels on the Ama- 
zon," p. 254,; H. H. Smith, "Brazil," New York, 1879, p. 371. 

2 "Le tour du Monde," Paris, iv, p. 15. 

3 Wilkes, "Narrative of the U. S. Exploring Expedition during the years 1838-1842," 
i, p. 52. 

Fig. 183. 



From a figure in voiiiIlmi StciuenV 
" Unterden NaturvolkcrnZen- 

Fig. 184. 



Cat. No. 152507, U. S. N. M. Collected 

by F. G. Fry. 

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One of the most striking resemblances possible in culture objects in 
two hemispheres is the carrying frame from the Shingu (fig. 183) and 
from the west coast of Africa, almost opposite on the South Atlantic and 
not very far away, and both under Portuguese influence. The apparatus 
consists of a circular hoop for bottom, with coarse lacing of fiber and 
three elongated ellipses of the same style for the sides and bottom. 1 The 
African specimen is carried on the back and shoulders, sustained by the 

Fig. 185. 


Men on the Shingu launching canoe. 

From ji fimir*' in v..n d*-n Sl«-in»«n's *' l.'ntfr .l«- n Nuturvolkf rn ZentralBrxsilirn*." 

staff, while the Brazilian specimen has had to submit itself to the local 
attachment of the headband. 

Example No. 152507 (fig. 184) is a carrying bag, said to come from 
Brazil. By examination of the texture it will be seen that the con 
struction is precisely that of the Mohave carrying crate, of many exam 
pies from the Central American States and of the Fuegian carrying 

1 von deD Steineu, " U liter den Naturvolkeru Zeiitral-Bruailiens," p. 237. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


banket minus the warp or foundation rod. Now, all sucli ware is made 
on a spacer or gauge of different sizes. One has ouly to imagine the 
gauge left in the mesh to see how the Fuegian and the other varieties 
could be transformed one into another. 

A lively scene in the portage or transportation of a woodskin, or bark 
canoe is figured by von den Steiuen. 1 A dozen stout men, naked 
excepting a girdle, are merrily bringing the canoe on their shoulders 
and in their hands. The picture is a remarkable one for the variety of 
ways in which the men are at work. (Fig. 185.) 

Carrying Appliances in the U. 8. National Museum. 



131091 Porter's knot and cap (fig. 110) London, England Edward Lovett. 

131092 Yoke for carrying I do Do. 

131093 Yoke and carrying ropes (fig. 108) .| do 

126800 t do Russia 

167006 Net bag for carrying eggs j Madrid. Spain 

167007 Porter's *trap do 


150833 Carrying baskets Morocco ' Royal Ethnological Mu 

i I scum, Berlin. 

1 "Unter den Naturvolkeru Zentral-Brasiliens," Berlin, 1894, pi. x, opp. p. 120. 

New Orleans Exposition. 
Walter Hough. 


Yokes for carrying water I Venice ' H. H. Giglioli. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Carrying Appliancks in the U. 8. National Museum— Continued. 





By whom contributed. 

167787-167788 Carrying tray Turkey 1 R. J. Levy. 

28155 | Open wallet (fig. 112) Lapland Russian Government. 

167820 Carrying basket Finland Hon. John M.Crawford. 

167821 | Knapsack do Do. 














73093, 73094 







Carrying basket (fig. 118) . . 

Basket, f ru i t 

Carrying baskets (flg. 115) . 
Vessel, wooden, for milk . . . 
Basket, provision 

Basket haversack. 

Basket haversack 

Basket haversack 

Carrying net (fig. 119). 



Wallet, Maori seed . 
Baskets, grass 

Andaman Islands Enrico Giglioli. 

Siam King of Siam. Do. 

Manila Alex. R.Webb. 

Fiji Inlands Captain Mag ruder, 

| U. S. N. 

do Lieutenant Wilkes, 

TJ. S. N. 

New Guinea 

Samoan Islands. 


Penrhyn Islands. 

Isaac M. Brower. 
A. P. Goodwin. 
Lieutenant Wilkes, 

Lieut. W. E. Saflbrd, 

IT. S. N. 
Lieutenant Wilkes, 

New Zealand l New Orleans Exposition. 

Sandwich Islands Lieutenant Wilkes, 

U. S. N. 

Haversack, banana and maiden-' do. 

hair roots. 
Large gourds, with network do . 

Bag, traveling 



Basket, market (flg. 124) 

Carrying pole (fig. 123) 

Basket, hunter's and fisherman's . 

Bag, carrying .* 

Headband and seat (fig. 133) 

Headband (fig. 126) 

Basket, fish 

Chair, lady's carrying 

Carrying-cloth, with cover 

New Zealand 

Easter Island 




Tate Tama, Japan . 

Yezo, Japan 






Mrs. Sibyl Carter. 

Lieutenant Wilkes, 
U. S. N. 

W.J. Thomson. 
C. R. Raymond. 
Centennial Commission 

P. L. Jouy. 
Romyn Hitchcock. 


Japanese Commission. 
Korean Commission. 
Ensign J. B. Beruadou, 
U. S. N. 






Traveling bag, Man's, Nerpa skin. 

Strap for back load , 

Haversack, grass 

Cape Nome, Alaska 

Golovina Bay, Alaska . 

E. W. Nelson. 

Digitized by 




Carrying Appliances in the U. S. National Museum — Continued. 






























Haversack, grass, small 

Haversack, grass 

Bag, hunting 

Satchel, flshskin 

Haversack, sealskin 

Haversack, grass 

Satchel, straw 

Bag, traveling, straw 

Bag, hunting 

Haversack, flshskin 

Wallet, bladder 

Haversack, grass 

Wallet, flshskin 

Bag, leather, and flshskin 

Wallet, rash, long 

Wallet, bladder 

Sack, flshskin 

Sack, sealskin 

Bag, flshskin 

Sack, grass 

Satchel, flshskin 

Bag, sealskin 

Satchel, flshskin 

Haversack, beaded 

Straps, packing 

Basket, grass, large 

Sack, flshskin 

Breast yokes 

Breast collars 

Sack, straw, large 

Wallet, of fur 

Pouoh, hunting 

Wallet, rush 

Wallet, sea grass, ornamented . . 


Basket, mat . . 


Wallet, grass. 

Golovina Bay, Alaska . . 

St. Michaels, Alaska 


Kushunuk, Alaska 

Chalitraut, Alaska 

Norton Sound, Alaska . . 


Yukon, Alaska 

Yukon River, Alaska. . . 
Lower Yukon, Alaska . . 







Anvik, Alaska 

Askeenuk, Alaska 



Cape Roman/off, Alaska 


Kuakokwim, Alaska 


Nunivak Island, Alaska. 

Kuskokwim, Alaska 

Nushagag, Alaska 

Togiakmut, Alaska 

Bristol Bay, Alaska 

Nushagag, Alaska 




Big Lake, Alaska 

Aleutian, Attn Island, 





By whom contributed. 

E. W. Nelson. 




L. M. Turner. 
E. W. Nelson. 

R. Kennicott. 
W. H. Dali. 
E. W. Nelson. 











W. H. Dall. 

E. W. Nelson. 
J. J. McLean. 
W. H. Dall. 
E. W. Nelson. 

S. Applegate. 
Charles L. McKay. 
E. W. Nelson. 
Charles L. McKay. 
William J. Fisher. 

E. W. Nelson. 

L. M. Turner. 


Lieut. G. T. Emmons. 





Haversack, ornamented. 

Basket, grass 

Bag, hunting 


Satchel, birch bark 

5112 | Pouch, hunting . 

Arctic coast 

Mackenzie River . 

Fort Simpson 



B. R. Ross. 

W. L. Hardesty # 

B. R. Ross. 

W. L. Hardesty. 


Digitized by 



Carrying Appliances in the IT. S. National Museum— Coutinued. 





















Haversack (Yellow Knife Indian*) 

Bag, hunting (Yellow Knife In- 

Bag, hunting 

Bag, skin 

Bag, hunting ' 

Bag, sealskin (square) | 

Bag, sealskin (hand) 

Bag, leather (hand) 

Pouch for gun caps 

Wallet (Montagnais Indians) 

Wallet, porcupine quill 

Wallet, large leather, ornamented 

Wallet of grass and bark 

Parfleche case ( Kiowa Indians) . . 

Bag, hunting 

Bag, traveling 


Haversack, buffalo skin 

Haversack (Sioux Indians) 

Parfleche case, small (Cheyenne 

Parfleche case, clothing (Chey- 
enne Indians) (figs. 135, 136). 

Sack, provisions (Comanche) 

Basket, carrying (Choctaw) (flg. 

Basket, berries (Choctaw Indiana) 

Carrying basket (flg. 137) 


Fort Resolution . 

By whom contributed. 

R. Kennicott. 
B. R. Ross. 

Fort Rae Strachon Jones. 

Mackenzie River B.R.Ross. 

Fort Simpson Do. 

South Greenland Mrs. Lilla Pavy. 

do Do. 

Greenland Do. 

Labrador Henry G. Bryant. Do. 

Canada J. Yarden. 

Upper Missouri River.. Lieut. G. K. Warren. 
1 U. S. A. 

Leach Lake, Minn ' Dr. W.J. Hoffman. 

Indian Territory Jas. Mooney. 

Pine Ridge Agency Miss K. C. Sickels. ' Do. 

Kansas F. W. Clarke. 

Nebraska S. M. II or ton. 

Montana Mrs. M. M. Hazen. 

Wyoming H. R, Voth. 








168294 I 

Wallet, beaded Alaska . 

Banket, large, Koluschan Indians do 

Packing straps, hide J Southeastern Alaska... 

do j British Columbia 

Wallet, spruce root (flg. 140) i do 

Pouch, hunting, fur I Southeastern Alaska . . . i 

Pouch, hunting, beaded Prince Wales Island, \ 

I Alaska. | 

Pouch, hunting, small ' do 

Lieut G. T. Emmons 

U. S. N. 
Dr. J. B.White. 
J. J. McLean. 
V. Colyer. 
Herbert Odgen. 
J. J. McLean. 
J. G. Swan. 


Basket, carrying. 

Pouch, hunting . . 

Baskets Towanahoo Indians. 


Wallet, gut 

Northwest Coast, Amer- 


Hoods Canal . 



George Gibbs. 

Lieutenant Wilkes, 

U. S. N. 
J. G. Swan. 
Lieut. G.T. Emmons. 



Digitized by 




Carrying Appliances in the U. S. National Museum — Continued. 
whst coast INDIANS— continued. 











































Noah Bay, Washington 


Quiniault, Wash 



... do 

Columbia River 


Wallet, waterproof j Northwest Coast, Amer- 

Wallet ! Baffin Land 

Wallet, sea grass ! Washington 

Wallet, bark-woven 

Wallet, cedar-bark 

Carrying wallet (fig. 144) 

Valise of rawhide 

Case (parfleche) 

Straps, for carrying load 

Basket, carrying (Clallam Indians) 

Carrying basket (fig. 145) 

Satchel, strips of bark 

Basket for carrying roots (Kla- 
math Indians). 

Satchel, made of tuli (Klamath 

Sack, carrying grain 

Net, agave fiber (fig. 151) 

Net, carrying 

Basket, cactus fruit 

Basket, fruit (fig. 163) 

Basket, acorns 

Bag, fruit, etc 

Bag, cone* of pines . . * 

Basket, carrying 

Carrying net (fig. 152), Missions. . . j do 

Basket and strap, carrying (Hupa \ do 


Basket for acorns 

Headband (fig. 147), Hupa Indians 

Basket, carrying, conical 

Basket, carrying (Pima Indians) . 



California. .... 


Basket, carrying (figs. 165) 


Basket, carrying (Papagos) 

Basket, for seed 

Satchel, beaded 

Pouch, hunting 

Basket, carrying (fig. 155), Moki . 


Basket, carrying (Zufii Indians) . 


Gourd, for carrying water (Moki 

Basket, water-tight (Moki Indians) 
Strap, carrying, with hair ropes. . 
Rope, woolen, for carrying wood 

(Zufii Indians). 
Carrying bands (Zufii Indians) . . . 

Pima do . 


Fort Mohave, Colorado. 


New Mexico. 





By whom contributed. 

Lieutenant Wilkes. 

Dr. Franz Boas. 
J. G. Swan. 


Dr. Franz Boas. 
Charles Willoughby. 
Jas. Mooney. 
Dr. E. L. Morgan. 
J. G. Swan. 

E. C. Chirouse. 
J. G. Swan. 

Dr. Suckeley, U. S. A. 
L. S. Dyar. 


Edward Palmer. 
Stephen Powers. 
Edward Palmer. 






Jeremiah Curtin. 

Lieut P. H. Ray, TT. S. A. 
H. W. Henshaw. 

F. W. Hodge. 
Edward Palmer. 

W J McGee. 
Edward Palmer. 
F. W. Clarke. 
Lewis Engel. 
Col. Jas. Stevenson. 
Mrs. T.E.Stevenson. 
Jas. Mooney. 
Col. Jas. Stevenson. 



V. Mindeleff. 
Edward Palmer. 

Col. Jaa. Stevenson. 

Digitized by 



Carrying Appliances in the U. 8. National Museum— Con tinned. 

wist coast Indians— continued. 













126591, 126592 
















Shoulder pad (Zufii Indian*) \ New Mexico 

Net basket, prop stick, headband . . Arizona 

Cushions, for carrying (Mohave ' do 

Indians). j 

do Mexico 

Head strap (Yucatan) do 

Packing rope do 

Basket, carryiug (fig. 164), Mohave. California 

Net, to carry burdens Colorado River . 

Southern Utah.. 







Haversack (PaiUtes) 

Haversack, beaded, with strap 

Bladder, for carryiug water 

Baskets, for fruit and seeds 

Haversack, rawhide ( Ute Indians) . 
Carrying basket (fig. 150), Utes. . . . 
Basket, Urge, con leal, for seeds, etc I Pyramid Lake, Nevada 

Baskets, gathering fruit New Mexico 

Gourds, for carrying dry articles do 

(Moki Indians). 
Basket, gathering (Apache In- Arizona 


Haversack (hide) 

Basket and rest stick ; also head 


Carrying yoke and Jars (fig. 174)...' do 

Basket, slung over the back ] Cozumel Island . . 

Bag, packing, large i Mexico 

Bag, packing, small ! do 

Carrying net Central America. 

Carrying net (fig. 175) do 

Carrying net (fig. 184) Amazon River. . . 

Carrying frame (tig. 176) Honduras 

Wallet (Comanche Indians) New Mexico 

Wallet, mat Mexico 

Colima, Mexico . 


Wallet, mat (double) i do 

Wallet, basket (palm) > do 

Wallet, grass (double) i United States Colombia . 

Carrying basket (tig. 181) Straits of Magellan 

By whom contributed. 

Maj. J.W.Powell. 
Mrs. Geo. Stout- 
Lieutenant Whipple, 

U.S. A. 
Dr. Berlandier. 
L. H. Ayme. 

Edward Palmer. 

Maj. J. W. PoweU. 






Stephen Powers. 
CoL Jas. Stevenson. 
V. Mindeleff. 

Edward Palmer. 


J. E. Benedict. 
Louis H. Ayme. 

Chas. H. Townsend. 

Mrs. F. G. Fry. 
A. E. Morton, 
Lien tenant Couch, C .S. A 
Dr. Sartorius. 

New Orleans Exposition. 
Thomas Moran. 
Leslie Lee. 


Next to getting about and carrying things comes the activity of car- 
rying persons, or passenger traffic, and this commences with the trans- 
portation of helpless children. 

Invention has had in this art an opportunity of elaboration along the 
lines of geographic conditions in obedience to the commands of ethnic 
peculiarities, but the most primitive method resorts to no machinery 
whatever. (Fig. 180.) 

The traffic of the world in the present day is always numbered in 


Digitized by 



millions, whether of persons, of miles, of tons of freight carried or coal 
consumed, or of dollars invested. It began with naked mothers carry- 
ing naked children, without the expenditure of one dollar. To study 
this art from its simple to its complex forms one must commence with 
tropical peoples who have never been elsewhere. Here the infant is 
transported upon the person of the mother, both of them clinging one 
to the other by a semiautomatic habit or instinct. In this paper little 
attention will be paid to the bed and wrappings of infants. That sub- 
ject has already been discussed. 1 

African mothers, on the testimony of the U. S. National Museum, have 
never invented a single device for their tiny passengers, who are 
usually gathered into the folds of the sash 
or shawl or mantle. Doubtless this gar- 
ment is worn frequently to give the 
child a resting place, and netting tied 
about the neck furnishes support to the 
nestling; but it is practically true that 
the spirit of invention in Africa has not 
been awakened by the necessity of carry- 
ing infants. 

Schurtz figures a Masakara negro 
woman in the interior of Africa, grind- 
ing grain on the metate, with a muller, 
at the same time bearing an infant in 
the folds of the shawl upon her back. 2 
And the union of the manufacturer with 
the carrier is one of the commonest oc- 
currences there. 

Batzel gives an interesting picture, 
after Falkenstein, of a Loango mother, 
barefooted, wearing a head handkerchief, 
hoeing in the field, and carrying a sleep- Flg ' 186, 

. _ , ' . ' , _ . , . WOMAN OF BRITTANY CABRYTNO CHILD. 

mg infant on her baak, securely held m Frora eketch by w E Chandl „ 

place by a cloth or shawl, tied around 

her body under the arms and above the breasts, and reaching to her 

ankles. 3 

Holub, in his illustrated catalogue of the South African Exposition 
in Prague, pictures a Bechuana woman engaged in the same double 
exercise, and illustrated books and journals describing the west coast 
of Africa show the usual position of the African babe riding astride 

1 E. Pokrowski, Trans. Soc. Friends of Nat. Soi., Moscow; Mason, " Cradles of the 
American Aborigines," Rep. Smithsonian Inst. (U. S. Nat. Mus.), 1887, pp. 164-212; 
J. H. Porter, " Notes on the Artificial Deformation of Children among Savage and 
Civilized Peoples/' ibid., pp. 213-235; H. Ploss, "Das Kind in Branch und Sitte der 
Volker," Leipzig, 1884, 2 vols. 

8 "Katechismus der Volkerknnde," Leipzig, 1893, p. 180. 

»"V61kerknnde," Leipzig, 1887, i, p. 155. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


the mother's hips and enfolded in the loose garment. (Fig. 187.) In 
many places the attachment to her body is reduced to a mere string. 

The Zulu mother carries her babe in a shawl, or wide sash, which 
passes around her body above her breasts, close under her arms, and 
reaching quite down to her hips. 1 The child sits in the shawl as in a 
swing, which passes about the loins above the center of gravity. 

The Hottentot women generally wear the krass — a square piece of 
the skin of a wild beast, generally a wildcat, tied on with the hairy side 
outward — arouud their shoulders, which, like those of the men, cover 
their backs and sometimes reach down to their hams. Between two 
krasses they fasten a suckling child, if they have one, with the head 

just peeping over their shoulders. The 
under krass prevents their bodies being 
hurt by the children at their back. 2 

Katzel figures Abyssinian women in the 
double function of carrying children and 
carrying freight. In the former, the tiny 
passenger rests in the folds of the dress 
on the back. In the latter, the load is 
borne on the back and sustained by ropes, 
knapsackwise. 3 

In European countries for the most part, 
the child has been consigned to a wheel 
carriage of some kind. The simplest form 
of this is the Baschkir Kurnl, which is 
merely one form of California cradle (fig. 
188), with wheels on the hindmost cross 
bar, and a hood of birch bark instead of 
reed mat. 4 

A forked stick is the frame of the cra- 
dle aud hounds of the axle. On this 
rests an oblong cylinder of birch bark, 
ovoid in horizontal outline, and having a 

AFRICAN METHOD OK CARRYING CHILD. . , , . , , . mt i i • * 1 • i * i 

L „ „ lattice bottom. The hood is of birch bark, 

¥ rum a photograph in the U. S. National Muneum. ' 

and not unlike that of a common wagon. 

A differentiation has also taken place among cradle frames, one form 
dropping the suspension strings, by meaus of which it became now a bed 
to be swung, now a vehicle to be carried, assumes the rockers or wheels 
and is no longer lifted from the ground; the other remains in the 
condition wherein it maybe now a swinging bed, now a carrying frame. 

The carrying of children on the person has been affected in European 

'Ratzel, "Vcilkerkundo," Leipzig, 1887, 1, p. 150. 
2 Kolben, " Voyage to the Cape of Good Hope," lv, p. 14. 
3 " Vblkerkunde," m, p. 229. 

4 Cf. Pokrowski, Rev. d'Ethnog., 1889, fig. 27, p. 34, with Rep. Smithsonian Inst. 
(U. S. Nat. Mus.), 1887, p. 180, fig. 12. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


countries by this differentiation. Wherever the old-time carrying 
frame and swing becomes a rocking cradle or a wagon, the process of 
carrying the child reverts to the most primitive type, chiefly on one 
arm, after the manner of the African mother. 

The commonest sight and often a painful sight in the poorer settle- 
ments of any modern city is that of a girl, often quite young, lugging 
an infant on the left arm, distorting her body hopelessly. 

Likewise may be seen among the folk in sport or in serious humor 
and in the pastimes of children survivals of past practices in the car- 
riage of infants. In art, as has been 
previously stated, the drudgeries of 
life are glorified. If the caryatid and 
atlas are the ajstheticising and apo 
theosis of burden bearing on head and 
back, the many renditions of the Ma- 
donna exalt in art and religion the 
transportation of the human infant on 
the left arm. 1 

Hercules was cradled in his father's 
shield; Dionysius in a winnowing fan, 
which has the same shape. The 
Greeks do not seem to have carried 
children in cradles, but the Komans 
had gotten so far, although the figures 
resemble the Sioux shoe-shaped device 
without the wooden support. 2 

The Semite mother who carries her 
child about her neck puts it astride 
one shoulder, shifting it to the other 
as occasion demands (fig. 189). No 
device or invention is used, but a semi- 
automatic habit, a kind of instinct for 
clinging to each other, keeps the young 
passenger in position. This should Fig.m 

be compared with the position of the CRAI)LE OF rushbs, with handle, used by 


child among other peoples. 

In Egypt the young children of both sexes are usually carried by 
their mothers and nurses, not in the arms, but on the shoulder, seated 
astride as in fig. 190 (see Isaiah, xxix, 22), and sometimes, for a short 
distance, on the hip. 3 The Nestorian woman bears her child in a bundle 
on her back. 

In the Indo-Pacific area there is little change, only local modifications 

1 Cf. " Woman's Share in Primitive Culture," New York, 1894, p. 186, fig. 50. Woman 
of India carrying burden and child. 

2 Smith, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, s. v., Cunae. 
3 Lane, "Modern Egyptians," London, 1846, i, p. 79. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



in the primitive method of having as little machinery as possible 
involved in the transportation of the infant. Of course none of these 
peoples have ever so much as thought of differentiating the carriage 
device from the sleeping device. 

The siwela, or cradle of Timor, is a flattish basket made of woven 
rattan ropes, suspended so as to rock over a fire placed beneath, with 
only the spathe of a palm under the child's back, its head generally lying 
on rough rattan, and with a small piece of rag thrown over its stomach. 
The fire below the cradle, which not unfrequently sets fire to it, is 
partly to keep off the mosquitoes and partly to keep the child warm 

during the night. The smoke is often so 
great as almost to suffocate the infant. 1 

Turner says that the Samoan mothers carry 
their children not on the arm but astride the 
hip. He pronounces it much safer than on 
the back and less tiresome to the nurse, and it 
gives the child a lest constrained posture. 

The New Guinea baby may be said for some 
time to practically live in a net; it is carried 
in one suspended to the mother's neck, dang- 
ling low down in front of the woman ; it sleeps 
in a net bag, and when it awakes and cries 
and can not change its position in the bag, 
which is probably suspended from the roof of 
the veranda, it presents a most comical ap- 
pearance. 2 

The Australians of Carpentaria Gulf cany 
the young children under the arm, in a 
trough of ti bark, with a string under the 
center and over the shoulder, the arm press- 
ing it on the outer side to keep it close. 
When a little grown, the child is carried 
across the hip, supported with one arm, and 
afterwards across the neck, holding itself on 
by the mother's hair. 
In South Australia, between 30 and 40 degrees south, the women carry 
their children on the back in the folds of the great robe, at the same 
time also having a satchel hung over the left shoulder and under the 
right arm, and paeles or rolls on the small of the back, with line across 
the breast and shoulders. 

When a Darling River mother is about to carry her child she leans 
her body forward, and taking hold of the child by its arms swings it 
over her left shoulder and places it between her shoulder blades with its 

Fig. 189. 


From a sketch in the Chriatian H«rnld. 

1 H. O. Forbes, "Ethnology of Timor-laut," Journ. Anthxop. Inst., London, 1884, 
xiii, p. 12. 
- Journ. Anthrop. Inst., London, 1892, xxi, p. 203. 

Digitized by 



bands around her neck. She then throws a fur rug around herself and 
the child, and afterwards a netted bag (numyuncka) is drawn tight 
under the seat of the child with one end brought over each shoulder of 
the mother and tied together under her chin to keep the child and rug 
in their position ; so a pouch is formed to hold the infant while it is being 
carried about. The men generally carry children on their shoulders, as 
do the Eskimo men. 1 

In a photograph taken by Komyu Hitchcock at Osaka, Japan, a 

woman is represented as carrying a 3-year-old child pickaback (lig. 191). 

The very same method of carrying is practiced by both men and 

women among the Eskimo of Port Clarence, Alaska. 

The child's bed and carriage in one piece exists in Russia, in all the 

countries under her sway, and in the 

lands along the southern border of these. 

It had a wide development in America. 

This combination carriage and bed ex- 
ists in two forms — that in which the 

whole body of the child is bandaged, 

legs and all, and that in which the body 

is swaddled and the legs are partly free. 

These two have relation to climate and 

pedagogic notions and superstitions; 

but they have profound relations also 

to the nomadic and hunting life of the 


Pokrowski traces the rigid cradle 

wherein the child is laid upon its back 

aud strapped therein so as often to pro- 
duce deformation among the Georgians, 

Noga'is, Sartes, Kirghiz, Kalmuck, Ya- 
kut, Buriat, Ostiak, and Samoyed. 2 

He says that it is the most ancient and Fig. 190. 

widely spread. In central Kussia it is EOYPTIAN W0MAN CARB ™ G CHILD - 

n ■»/»/• 11 1 a n Kroin a photograph in the V. S. National Muweuin. 

formed of four planks about a finger 

and a half high, in shape of a box, 1 meter long and 80 centimeters 
wide, on which is fixed a cloth bottom, and from the corners are ropes 
which unite in a ring above for suspension. In fact, it is a wooden 
hammock that has lost its carrying function. But Pokrowski affirms 
that these cradles often preserve the ancient form that they may be car- 
ried about as well as hung up in the house. They are both carriage and 
swinging cradle in one. The cords from the two borders of the cradle 
cross over the woman's breast as in the bandolier 3 (fig. 192). 

l F. Bonney, "Customs of the Aborigines of the River Darling, New South Wales," 
Journ. Anthrop. Inst., London, 1884, xiii, p. 126. 

8 Mem. Soc. d. Amis d. Sc. Nat., 1886. See also Rev. d' Anthrop., 1885, p. 364; 1887, 
p. 238. 

s Rev. d'Ethnog., Paris, 1889, p. 10. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


The cradle of the Lapps is a very ingenious structure, admirably 
suited for its purpose under the ordinary circumstances of Lapp 
existence. "These cradles," Friis tells us, "are hollowed out of a 
log, and have a hood which protects the child's head. From this 
hood down to the end a light network of thongs or cord is stretched 
over the child, and over this net a handkerchief or other covering 
can be spread in such a manner that the child can be in complete 
shelter without hindrance. A strong strap is fastened from one end 

of the cradle to the other, by means of 
it can be slung on the back or set 
)g from the branch of a tree {fig. 
It may be thrown on tbe ground 
lied about without injury to the 
md it will, moreover, keep out cold 
below zero." ' 

owski says that the Lapp cradle is 
i of a boat, the body being a " dug 
rith very thin walls, making the 
tus very light and easy to carry. 
e is stretched a covering of rein 
ather, very thin. Moss is used for 
I, and over it is spread the fur of tbe 
reindeer. Rawhide lines, stretched 
le hood to the foot, sustain tbe cur 
leather hung over all. A strap at- 
to the foot and the front serves for 
sion, and enables the mother to sup- 
ie child in front or on her back, or 
hip, the strap resting on the oppo- 

The Ostiak have two kinds of 
cradles, those for the new born 
and another kind for more ad- 
vanced children. The former are 
trays of birch bark, oblong, shal- 
low, high at the head, rolled over 


rro,..«,>»...t,.«rH,,h»iyK..,„ y ,,nit.-i.r,H-k. about the margin and decorated 

with great taste. The cradle is 
provided with cords, by means of which it may hang in front of the 
mother (fig. 194). 

The cradle for the more advanced infant is deeper, and provides 
for seating it more erect. This is carried on the back of the mother * 
(fig. 1D5). 

The children of the Giliak. as among the Goldi, are strapped down 
on a kind of board serving as a cradle, and hung up in that position to 

1 Journ. Anthrop. Inst., Loudon, 1885, XV, p. 228. 

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a rafter of the hut. 1 Sclirenck should also be consulted about the (liliak 
cradle and method of carrying the infant. 2 

Bush says of the Giliak cradle that near one end of the shed was a 
babe tightly bandaged in a wooden box or cradle, somewhat like those 
used by our American Indians, but with its little legs from the knees 
downward unfettered. This cradle was suspended from the ridge pole 
in an upright position, by four leather thongs that were just long enough 

Fitf. 192. 

From a figure in the Revue d'Ethnojsrapln*. 

to enable the little one to reach the ground with its feet, by which it 
swung itself back and forth without assistance." 
Of the Samoyed cradle Jackson says: 

It was amusing to see the baby, which had been sitting up and hail eaten a fairly 
good supper of raw meat, put to bod by its mother. She first wrapped it in furs, then 
placed it in a box shaped like a coffin, and laced it with narrow strips of hide, so 

1 Ravenstein, " Russians on the Amur," London, 1861, p. 391. 

2 " Reisen und Forschungen im Amur-Lunde," pi. xii. 

3 Bush, " Reindeer, Dogs, and Suowshoes," p. 123. 
H. Mis. 90, pt. 2 32 

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that it was not only impoHctihle for it to fall out, but also very difficult for it to 

Infants are kept among the Man gun and Orocbou in an oblong box; 
while the Goldi strap them down in a basin-shaped cradle, ornamented 
with small coins, and suspended by means of an iron hoop to a rafter in 
the house. 2 

The Yakut cradle, according to Lansdell, resembles a coal scuttle. 

Fiii. 193. 


r. in th<- ll.-\uf »I'F.thn..graphii-. 

When traveling they suspend it at the side of the reindeer as the Sioux 
women hang their cradles from the pommel of the pony saddle. 3 

On the northwestern border of the Okhotsk Sea dwell the Tungus 
and the Lamut. They, owing to the rugged condition of their country, 
saddle the reiudeer and use it both for riding and packing instead of 

l F. G. Jackson, "The Great Frozen Land/' London, 1895, p. 108. 
3 Ravenstein, "Russians on the Amur," London, 1861, p. 386. 
3 Lansdell, "Through Siberia," Boston, 1882, p. 303. 

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draft to the sledge. The infant is neatly stowed in a cradle lined with 
reindeer fur (fig. 196). This cradle shuts up, and ventilation is provided 
through a valve of leather which the mother controls. This device may 
also be suspended from the human body The Tungus, says Bush, 
have a novel way of carrying children on reindeer back. Two of them 
are lashed together and thrown over the pack saddle like two packages. 
Each is sewed up in a single garment, jacket, pants, boots, mittens, 
and cap all in one piece, made of heavy reindeer fur, with no part of 
them visible but the small, shining black eyes and little red noses 

Fig. 194. 

From a figure in the Revue il'F.thnoiraphie. 

peering over the fur. Perchance a baby may be balanced by a kettle, 
etc. The youngsters do not seem to mind the cold. 1 
Says N. Width: 

I remember from my boyhood that the women carried their infants in a box on 
the back, the box well provided with reindeer skin. These boxes were fastened on 
poles, and when the women entered a store in the town for shopping the poles were 
stuck in the snow and the babies left there for hours.- * * * 

In Sheldon Jackson's report on the introduction of tame reindeer 
into Alaska there is a native drawing of a cradle or bed for an infant, 
swung from the ceiling by four cords. This should be compared with 

1 Bush, "Reindeer, Dogs, and Snowshoes," New York, 1871, p. 240. 
8 Senate Ex. Doc. No. 73, Fifty -third Congress, second session, p. 150. 

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the Cape Breton and the Seminole cradle, and a photograph by Boas 
of the Kwakiutl. 1 The same author gives a plate showing a crowd of 

Chukchi; in several of the figures the chil 
dren are borne pickaback, as among the 
western Eskimo. 

The author has not been able to find the 
cradle board or frame among the Eskimo. 
So far as he is informed this device doe> 
not exist in Mexico or anywhere in tht 
tropics. If the collection of the U. S. 
National Museum be complete (and he is 
sure it is not) the cradle does not exist ii 
either of these areas. A few general state 
ments may be predicated upon the scanty 
material in the IT. S. National Museum col 

The American aboriginal cradle is in- 
fluenced by climate. It can not exist in 
extremes of heat or cold. In one case the 
child would be smothered, in the other it 
would be frozen. 
Fig. 105. Again, whatever may be the material. 

ostiak woman cAiumNa child. w hcther birch bark, rawhide, a flat board, a 

Kphii u ti«ur»* in the- Kevue «i*Klhtionrapht»-. « ■ /% /» j .1 • /» «» -. -. - 

dugout, a frame of rods, the infant's head is 
never placed in contact with it. There is always between the head and 
this hard frame or board a pillow of fur. hair, shredded bark, down, or 


Krum u fi«ure in th<- Revti* ti'Kthnogrnpliie. 

some other substance. It is idle, therefore, to collect cradles in order 
to study intentional and undesigned head flattening unless we secure 

Senate Ex. Doc. \o. 70, Fifty-third Congress, second session, p. 101. 

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also the pillow. One cradle, from the Yuinas, has two little pads about 
4 inches apart to catch the head of the infant; another .lias a regular 
pillow, and so on. 

Finally, all the U. S. National Museum cradles are made to stand 
up or to hang up. A great many persons who are familiar with the 
subject have been questioned, and it seems to be true that Indian 
cradles are very seldom laid flat on the ground. In that case the head 
is perfectly free, and after the child is a few weeks old, excepting dur- 
ing sleep, the head does not touch the pillow at all. 

As explained elsewhere, the exigencies of climate prevent the Eskimo 
from carrying their children iu open frames. But the Lamut and 
Tungus devices just named exist in a climate 
as cold as any endured by the Eskimo. It is 
necessary to seek the explanation of the 
absence of any device among the Eskimo in 
the difference of the culture grade. The 
Asiatics are herdsmen and hang the children 
to the saddlebow. The Eskimo have gener- 
ally no good wood for frames and no good rea- 
son to separate the infant from the mother. 
When the child is young it rides in the mother's 
hood, between her fur coat and her skin (tig. 
197). To prevent the young passenger from 
getting lost Boas intimates that a strap is 
worn about the mother's waist. The costume 
of this unique people over many hundreds of 
miles of coast east and west is uniform in 
this regard. 1 

When children are about a month old they 
are put into a jacket made from the skin of a 
deer fawn having a cap of the same material, 
their legs remaining bare, as they are always 
carried in their mother's hood. In some 
places, where large boots are in use, they *ig.i»7. 


are said to be carried in these. 2 cabbyino child. 

The hood of the jacket is much the larger From. P h«.t»«ra P i. by c«. P t„,u H*»i y . 
in that of the women, for the purpose of hold- 
ing a child. The back of the jacket also bulges out in the middle to 
give the child a footing, and a strap or girdle below this, secured round 
the waist by two large wooden buttons in front, prevents the infant 
from sliding down. ' 

The mode of treating infants is one of the national customs of a peo- 
ple that changes most slowly says Richardson. 4 

1 Sixth Ann Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 556. 

2 Ibid, p. 556. 

3 Ibid, p. 557. 

4 Richardson, ''Arctic Searching Expedition," New York, 1852, p. 218. 

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Peary says that the woman of North Greenland, like the man, wore 
the ahtee and netcheh, made respectively of bird skin and sealskin. 
They differed in pattern from those of the man only in the back, where 
an extra width is sewed in, which forms a pouch extending the entire 
length of the back of the wearer and fitting tight around the hips. 
In this pouch or hood the baby is carried; its little body, covered 
only by a shirt reaching to the waist, made of the skin of a young 
blue fox, is placed against the bare back of the mother, and the head, 
covered by a tight-fitting skull-cap made of seal skin, is allowed to rest 
against the mother's shoulder. In this way the Eskimo child is car- 
ried constantly, whether awake 
or asleep, and without clothing 
except the shirt and cap, until 
it can walk, which is usually at 
the age of 2 years; then it is 
clothed in skin and allowed to 
toddle about. If it is the young- 
est member of the family, after 
it has learned to walk, it still 
takes its place in the mother's 
hood whenever it is sleepy or 
tired, just as American mothers 
pick up their little toddlers and 
rock them. 1 

When the Eskimo babe is 
large enough to escape from 
the hood and walk it has still 
to be carried a great deal. Of 
this sort, both father and mother 
take the youngster by one arm 
and one leg, give it a toss, and 
in a twinkling the youthful rider 
is sitting pickaback astride the 
parent's neck (fig. 198). The 
FI " 198 author has seen both men and 


women carrying young children 

From n photograph in the Ilnr-iiu .»f Kthm.|..«y. JO*/ O 

after this fashion. 

Women carry their young astride their backs. The child is held in 
place by a strap passing under its thighs and around over the mother's 
breasts. 2 

When a child is born in T T ngava, on the authority of Lucien Turner, 
the mother wraps it in the softest skin she is able to procure and during 
its infancy it is carried in the ample hood attached to her coat. 

The carrying devices for infants amoug the American Indians, as 

1 J.Peary, "My Arctic Journal/' New York and Philadelphia, 1893, p. 43. 
9 John W. Kelly, "Ethnographical Memoranda Concerning the Arctic Eskimos of 
Alaska and Siberia/' Bureau of Education, Circular of Information No. 2, 1890, p. 18. 

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distinguished from the Eskimos, may now be examined in the follow- 
ing families and tribes: (I) The Athapascan family, of Alaska and 
Canada; (2) the Algonquian family, of Canada and the United States; 
(3) the Iroquoian family, north to south; (4) the Southern Indians 
of the United States; (5) the tribes of the plains of the Great West, 
especially the Siouan family; (6) the Pacific Slope tribes of southeast 
Alaska and British Columbia; (7) the tribes of the Pacific Slope from 
Vancouver Island southward; (8) the Great Interior Basin and the 
Pueblos; (9) Mexico and Central America; (10) the Cordilleras of 
South America; (11) the Amazonian area and southward; (12) the 
Caribbean area. 

The Athapascans of the north are the inland neighbors of the 
Eskimo and by the Eev. A. G. Morice are thus classified : 

Northern DSnes. — Loucheux: Lower Mackenzie River and Alaska; 
Hares: Mackenzie, Anderson, and MacFarlane rivers; Bad-People: 
Old Fort Halkett; Slaves: west of Great Slave Lake and Macken- 
zie River; Dog-Ribs: between Great Slave Lake and Great Bear 
Lake; Yellow- Knives : northeast of Great Slave Lake; Cariboo Eat- 
ers: east of Lake Athabaska; Cbippewayans: Lake Athabaska, etc. ; 
Ts£'k6hne: both sides of Rocky Mountains; Beavers: south side of 
Peace River; Sarcees: east of Rocky Mountains, latitude 51° north; 
Nah'ane: Stickeen River and east; Carriers: Stuarts Lake, north and 
south; Tsilkoh'tin: Chilco tin River. 

Southern Denes. — Umkwas, Totuuies, and Kwalhiokwas: Oregon; 
Hupas: Hupa Valley, California; Wailakis; northern California; 
Navajo: Arizona; Apache: Oklahoma, Colorado, New Mexico, and 
Arizona; Lipans: New Mexico. 

Mackenzie somewhere intimates that the Chippewayan mothers make 
their upper garments full in the shoulders. When traveling they carry 
their infants upon their backs next the skin and convenient to giving 
them nourishment. This is a transition habit between Eskimo and 
Indian and not prevalent among the Athapascans. 

" The Kutchin women," says Richardson, " do not carry their infants in 
their hoods or boots after the Eskimo fashion, nor do they stuff them 
into a bag with moss, as the Chippewayan and Crees do, but they place 
them in a seat of birch bark, with back and sides like those of an 
armchair, and a pommel in front resembling the peak of a Spanish 
saddle. This hangs at the woman's back, suspended by a strap which 
passes over her shoulders, and the infant is seated in it, with back to 
hers, and its legs, well cased in warm boots, hanging down on each side 
of the pommel. The child's feet are bandaged to prevent their growing, 
small feet being thought handsome ; and the consequence is that short, 
unshapely feet are characteristic of the people." l 

The Lower Yukon trough-shaped cradle of birch bark (example No. 
32986, in the U. S. National Museum, fig. 199) is made of three pieces, the 

1 Richardson, "Arctic Searching Expedition," New York, 1852, p. 227. 

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bottom, the top or hood, and the awning piece. The two parts consti- 
tuting the body of the cradle overlap an inch and a half and are sewed 
together with a single basting of pine root, with stitches half an inch 
apart. Around the body just under the margin, and continuously around 
the border of the hood and awning, lies a rod of osier. A strip of birch 
bark laid on the upper side of the awning serves as a stiffener and is 
sewed down by an ingenious basting with stitches an inch or more 
long which pass down through two thicknesses of birch bark, around 
the osier twig just below the margin, and up again through the two 

thicknesses of birch bark by an 
other opening to form the next 
stitch. The hood is formed by 
puckering the birch bark after the 
manner of a grocer's bag. The bor- 
dering osier is neatly seized to the 
edge of the hood and awning by a 
coil of split spruce root. Rows of 
beads of many colors adorn the awn- 
ing piece. In a country intolerable 
by reason of the mosquitoes it is 
not strange that provisions for sus- 
taining some sort of netting should 
be devised. 

Immediately after birth, without 
being washed, the Northeastern 
Tinneh infant is laid naked on a 
layer of moss in a bag made of 
leather and lined with hare skins. 
If it be in summer, the latter is dis- 
pensed with. This bag is then se- 
Fitf. 199. curely laced, restraining the limbs 

Athapascan ( radlk ok mum bakr. in natural positions, and leaving 

Yukon wver. Alaska. tne ^^1 f ree dom to move the head 

Cat. No. 3*H«. l T . .s. N. M. Collect*-.! I,y K. W. Nelson , , , , . , /. . . . , 

only. In this phase of its existence 
it resembles strongly an Egyptian mummy. Cradles are never used, but 
this machine, called a " moss bag," is an excellent adjunct to the rearing 
of children up to a certain age, and has become almost, if not universally, 
adopted in the families of the Hudson Hay Company's employees. 1 

The Carrier women of Stuart Lake transported their babes in cradles 
of birch bark, curved up at the narrow end or foot and prolonged at the 
broad or open end as a support for the child's head. A hoop of willow 
encircled the wide end, and the necessary lacings passed through a baud 
of buckskin bordering the apparatus on the outside. In recent times 
modifications have been made in covers and in lacings. The Tsilkoh'tin 
tribe make a cradle of willow twigs in form of a slipper, covered with 

'Bernard K. Ross, Rep. Smithsonian Inst., 1866, p. 305. 

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deerskin and provide a hoop over the infant's face. 1 In this connection 
especial attention is called to the Yokaia and the Hupa cradles of Cali- 
fornia. The shoe-shaped cradle of the Tsilkoh'tin resembles in form 
and motif the latter, the Carrier truncated cradle, in which the child's 
feet are free, recalling the former, even as to the material. 2 The reader 
will not forget that the Hupa came long ago to California from the 
Athapascan country. 

The Southern Canadian cradle is aboard with two flaps of cloth which 
lace together up the center. The child is laid on its back on the board, 
packed with soft moss, and laced 
firmly down with its arms to its side 
and only its head at liberty. The 
cradle is strung on the back of the 
mother when traveling, or reared 
against a tree when resting in camp, 
the child being only occasionally 
released from bondage for a few 
moments. The little prisoners are 
remarkably good. No squalling 
disturbs an Indian camp. 3 

Catlin figures a Cree woman car- 
rying a child on her right arm, and 
holding the buffalo robe around 
the child with the left hand. 4 The 
Kickapoos, of the same stock, carry 
the small child on the back in the 
shawl (fig. 200). 

Mr. Lucien Turner reports that 
the Nascopi of Labrador and Un- 

gava, who are much affected by '/ 

their proximity to Eskimo, use no 
cradle board for children. 

The principal factor in the Chip- 
pewa infant's house, according to 
Kohl, is a flat board. For this pur- 
pose poplar wood is selected ; in the " 

flrst place because it is light, and KICKAPO ° <*"*««»«-™> woman cahbvno c„, LD . 

x ** 7 After Hopn«. 

secondly, because it does not crack 

or splinter. On this board a small frame of thin, peeled sapling is fas- 
tened, much after the shape of the child's body, and stands up from the 
board like the sides of a violin from the sounding board. It is fastened 
on with bast, because the Indians never use nails, screws, or glue. The 
cavity is filled with very soft substances for the reception of the child. 

'Cf. A. G. Moricc, Trans. Canadian Inst., 1894, iv, p. 133. with two figures. 

2 See figures 210-212. 

3 Fitzwil1iani8, "The Northwest Passage by Land," p. 85. 

4 Catliu, "North American Indians," l, p. 33. 

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They prepare for this purpose a mixture composed of very fine, dry 
moss, rotted cedar wood, and a species of tender wool found in the 
seed vessels of a species of reed. This wool was recommended as a 
most useful ingredient in the stuffing, for it sucks up all moisture as 
greedily as a sponge, and hence there is no need to inspect the baby 
continually. In this bed the little beings nestle up to the armpits— so 
far they are wrapped up tightly with bandages and coverings, but the 
head and arms are free. At a convenient distance above the head is 
a stiff circle of wood, also fastened to the cradle with bast. It serves 
as a protection to the head, and if the cradle happens to fall over it 
rests on this arch. In fact, you may roll an Indian tikinagan over as 
much as you please, but the child can not be injured. The squaws at 
times display extraordinary luxury in the gaily embroidered coverlid 
which they throw over the whole cradle. 1 

The Iroquois cradle, example No. 18806, has the backboard carved in 
imitation of peacocks and is painted in bright colors. It is square at 
the top and the awning frame is mortised at the euds, which allows 
them to slide over the awning bar held down and guyed by stays on 
the opposite sides; has a movable foot rest at the bottom and thongs 
along the sides for lashing the baby in. Length, 29J inches; width, 
top, 10£ inches, bottom, 8J inches; foot rest, height, 3£ inches; width, 6 
inches. The St. Regis Iroquois, in the north of New York and near 
Canada, have for many years bought their cradle boards from the 
whites or made them of material bought from a white man. 

Example No. 8894 is like the last, with gaudily painted and carved 
backboard, and awning frame carved. Length, 31 inches; width, top 
11 inches, bottom 7f inches; height of awning frame, 12J inches; width 
of top 9J, bottom 12 inches. 

Morgan says that the Iroquois baby frame, " ga-ose-ha," is an Indian 
invention. It appears to have been designed rather as a convenience 
to the Indian mother for the transportation of her infant than, as has 
generally been supposed, to secure an erect figure. The frame is abont 
2 feet in length by about 14 inches in width, with a carved footboard 
at the small end and a hoop or bow at the head, arching over at right 
angles. After being inclosed in a blanket, the infant is lashed upon the 
frame with belts of bead work, which firmly secure and cover its person, 
with the exception of the face. A separate article for covering the face 
is then drawn over the bow, and the child is wholly protected. When 
in use, the burden strap attached to the frame is placed around the 
forehead of the mother, and the " ga-ose-ha " upon her back. This 
frame is often elaborately carved, and its ornaments are of the choicest 
description. When cultivating the maize, or engaged in any outdoor 
occupation, the mother hangs the " ga-ose-ha" upon a limb of the near- 
est tree and left to swing in the breeze. The patience and quiet of the 

1 J. G. Kohl, " Wanderings round Lake Superior," 1860, pp. 6-7. 

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Indian child in this close confinement are quite remarkable. It will 
hang thus suspended for hours without uttering a complaint. 1 

East of the Mississippi Biver, north of the Tennessee and the North 
Carolina line, and south of Hudson Bay Algonquian and Iroquoian tribes 
all used a flat cradle board not far from 2J feet long, 10 inches wide, 
and one-half an inch thick, tapering wider at the head. . Example No. 
18806 has the back carved in flowers and birds and painted blue, red, 
green, and yellow. The cleat at the upper end of the back is a modern 
chair round. The footboard is a small shelf or bracket on which the 
child's feet rest. 

"In the towne of Dafemonquepeuc distant from Boanoac 4 or 5 milles, 
the woemen are attired, and pownced, in fuch forte as the woemen of 
Boanoac are, yet they weare noe worathes vppon their heads, nether 
haue they their thighes painted with fmall pricks. They haue a ftrange 
manner of bearing their children, and quite contrarie to ours. For our 
woemen carrie their children in their armes before their brefts, but they 
taking their fonne by the right hand, bear him on their backs, hold- 
inge the left thighe in their lefte arme after a ftrange and conuefnall 
fafhion." 2 

Hodgson's description is not clear. He says that as few of the Creeks 
are able to purchase many negroes, almost all the drudgery is per- 
formed by the women, and it is melancholy to meet them, as we con- 
tinually did, with an infant hanging on their necks, bending under a 
heavy burden and leading their husband's horse while he walked before 
them, erect and graceful, apparently without a care. This servitude 
has an unfavorable effect upon the appearance of the women, those 
above a certain age being generally bent and clumsy, with a scowl on 
their wrinkled forehead and a countenance dejected. 3 

The Chetemacha of St. Marys Parish, southern Louisiana, had a 
peculiar method of fastening their infants in the cradle boards. They 
rocked them in such a way that the forehead was flattened, while the 
back of the head assumed a round shape by the rocking motion. This 
implies that the flattening pad, or short piece of wood, was fastened to 
the head only and not at the same time to the cradle board. 4 It also 
points to a fashion of cradling or carrying of that type which exists 
from the Columbia Biver mouth northward. The Choctaw custom 
should be studied in the same connection. 

The frame of the Comanche cradle (Shoshonean) belongs to the lat- 
ticed type, as in figure 202, and is thus made: Two strips of narrow 

1 Lewis H. Morgan, "League of the Iroquois," 1851, pp. 390-391, with illustration. 

3 Hariot, " Virginia," Holbein Soc, Manchester, 1888, pi. x. 

3 Hodgson, " Letters from North America," i, pp. 135-136. Compare the hammock 
cradle of the Seminoles (Fifth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 497) with Cape 
Breton cradle (Rep. U. S. Nat. Mus., 1887, p. 169) and drawing in Bruce's report. 
(Senate Ex. Doc. No. 73, Fifty-third Congress, second session.) 

4 Gatschet, Trans. Anthrop. Soc, Washington, 1884, n, p. 153. 

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board, often native hewn, wider and farther apart at the upper end, 

are held in place by crosspieees lashed on so as to accommodate the 

leather cradle sheath. The lashing is very ingeniously done. Four 

holes an inch apart are bored through the frame board and the cross- 
pieces at the corners of a square. A string of 
buckskin is passed backward and forward from 
hole to hole and the two ends tied, or one end i> 
passed through a slit cut in the other. The lash 
ing does not cross the square on either side diag 
onally. Above the upper crosspiece the frame 
pieces project a foot and are sharpened on top 
like fence pickets. Disks of German silver and 
brass headed nails are used in profusion to form 
various geometric ornaments. Upon the front of 
the frame, between the crosspieces, a strip of 
butialo hide (with the hair side is sewn with raw 
hide strings toward the cradle bed). The iuclos 
ing case is a shoe-shaped 
bag made of a single piece 
of soft deerskin lashed to 
gether halfway on top in the 
usual manner, and kept open 
around the face by a stiffen- 
ing of buffalo leather. This 
case is attached to the frame 
by thong lacings. Little 
sleigh bells, bits of leather, 
feathers, etc., complete the 

Another Comanche ex- 
ample, No. (1970 (fig. 201), is 

the most primitive cradle in the I T . S. National 

Museum. It is a strip of black bearskin, 30 inches 

long and 20 wide, doubled together in form of a 

cradle case. Along the side edges loops of buck 

skin arc made to receive the lacing. The loops are 

formed as follows: A buckskin string is passed 

through a hole in the bearskin, and the longer 

end passed through a slit or cut in the shorter 

end. The long end is then passed through the 

next hole and drawn until a loop of sufficient size 

is left; a slit is made in the string near the last 

hole passed through, and then the whole lash 

ing is drawn through this slit. This serves the 

purpose of a knot at each hole, as in many other cradles. 

piece of bearskin is sewed in with coarse leather string. 
The Blackfeet Indian women of Montana carried their more advanced 





Cat. No. ♦ , .970, l'. S. N. M C„llert^d I. 

K.lwnr.l I\.lm-r. 

Fig. 202 

MONTANA. No. 6918. U. S. N. M M**** 
by Edward Palmer. 

A foot 

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children in their arms or in a robe behind their backs. When travel- 
ing the children were placed in sacks of skin on the tent poles. No cra- 
dle of any form was seen. 1 Maximilian also tells of a Minitaree woman 
who carried a little child wrapped in a piece of leather fastened with 
straps. 2 This occurrence of a frameless cradle in three spots east of the 
liocky Mountaius lends color to the statement that the introduction of 
the horse greatly modified the method of carrying infants. 

Among the relics of the Catlin collection are two old cradles. Of 
one the following description will suffice : Backboard square at the 
top; carved and painted; awning 
frame bent and painted ; covering 
cloth decorated with beads and 
tacked around theedgeof the side 
board, brought up and laced in 
the middle like a shoe ; length, 
28f inches; width, 13 inches. 

The description of the second 
example (fig. 203) is as follows: 
Backboard carved on front above; 
back brace with large, rounded 
endsextendingoutward; foot rest 
low, curved around at the bottom ; 
cradle covered over with quill 
work in red, white, and black pat- 
terns — lozenges, women, horses, 
etc.; decorated with iron bells; 
opening across the cradle cov- 
ered in the middle with embroid- 
ered quilt; length, 31 J inches; 
width, lOf inches; head frame, 
94 inches; height, 13f inches. 3 

A plate from Catlin in the 
Report of the National Museum 

for 1885, is most significant. Fig. 203. 

Here the Sioux woman carries a ALQON Q UIAN cradle, decorated with quill work. 
helpless infant in a cradle, laeed CM9CU " by Georsc Cnl,,n 

down, feet and all. A second has an older child on her back infolded 
in her blanket. Further on the scene is changed. It is the epoch of 
the horse, and both women seem to be lifted from the ground bodily 
without changing the positions of their burdens. (Fig. 204.) 

Example No. 75472 is an Ogallala Sioux cradle. The frame is made 
of two diverging slats painted yellow, held in place at the head and 

1 Stevens, Aim. Rep. Ind. Affairs, 1854, p. 204. 

- "Travels in the Interior of North America," London, 1843, p. 180. 

3 Rep. Smithsonian Inst. (U. S. Nat. Mus.) 1887, p. 202. 

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foot by cross slats lashed as in the Blackfeet cradle, with this differ- 
ence, namely, that the string crosses between the holes diagonally. 

Fig. 204. 


From n figure in the Report <>f the Smithsonian Institution ( U. S. National Moaoum), 1886. 

This may have no significance. The tops of the side piece project 
above the cradle sack at least 18 inches, and are studded with brass- 

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headed nails in straight lines. As in the Black feet cradle, there is a 
bottom or mattress, but a quilt of calico, lined, supplants the buffalo 
hide. The baby case proper is shoe shaped, the part around the head 
and shoulders stiffened with a lining of buffalo leather. All over the 
outside beadwork is laid on in geometric patterns of blue, red, yellow, 
green, and blue black on a white ground. The beads are strung on a 
fine sinew, thread in proper number and color to extend quite across the 
case. This string is then tacked down at inter- 
vals of three-fourths of an inch so regularly as 
to form continuous, creased lines extending from 
the foot longitudinally around the baby case to 
the foot on the other side to imitate porcupine- 
quill work. Streamers of colored tape and rib- 
bon take the place of old-fashioned fur and 
feathers. The edges of the lower half of the 
case are joined by four strings tied separately, 
instead of the universal lashing. There are 
about this cradle several marks of modifica- 
tion by contact with whites, which show at 
the same time the tenacity with which old 
forms remain and readiness with which they 
yield to pressure at the points of least resist- 
ance, indicating also where the points of least 
resistance are. 

The Dakotas h ad ornamented frames for cradles, 
to which they fastened the child with leather 
straps, one passing over the head, the other 
over the middle of the body. The workmanship 
of these leather straps was remarkably neat 
and curious, they being entirely covered with a 
ground of milk-white porcupine quills, on which 
figures of men, of a vermilion color, and black Fig. 205. 

figures of dogs and other similar patterns, were trellis cradle of the ogal- 
most tastefully embroidered, and all of the most LALA sloux WDIANS - 
lively and well-chosen colors. 1 (Fig. 205. ) Cnt No 7bm ' v s N M 

In another Sioux tent Maximilian found a child hung up in a leather 
pouch of very beautiful workmanship. These nests, which serve instead 
of cradles, were so large that only the child's head was visible. This 
pouch had on the upper side two broad stripes of dyed porcupine quills 
and several pretty rosettes with long strings of different colors, and 
was lined with fur. 2 

The Naudowessi women, according to Carver, placed their children 
soon after they were born on boards stuffed with soft moss, such as 

1 Maximilian, "Travels in tho Interior of North America," p. 157. 
•Ibid., p. 204. 

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is found in morasses or meadows. The child was laid on its back in 
one of this kind of cradles, and, being wrapped in skins or cloth t« 
keep it warm, was secured in it by small bent pieces of timber. To 
these machines they fastened strings, by which they bung- them U> 
branches of trees; or, if they found no trees at hand, fastened them 
to a stump or stone while they transacted any needful business. Id 
this position the children were kept for months, when they were taken 
out. 1 

As soon as the Sioux Indian baby is born, says Dodge, it is placed 
in a com* n shaped receptacle, where it passes nearly the whole of the 
first year of its existence, being taken out only once or twice a day for 
washing or change of clothing. This clothing is of the most primitive 
character, the baby being simply swaddled in a dressed deerskin or 
piece of thick cotton cloth which envelops the whole body below the 
neck. The outside of the cradle varies with the wealth or taste of the 
mother, scarcely two being exactly alike. Some are elaborately orn* 
meuted with furs, feathers, and beadwork; others are perfectly plain. 
Whatever the outside, the cases themselves are nearly the same. 

A piece of dried buffalo hide is cut into proper shape, then turned on 
itself, and the front fastened with strings. The face of the babe is always 
exposed. The whole is then tightly fastened to a board or, in the most 
approved cradles, to two narrow pieces of board joined together in tbe 
form of a ladder. It forms a real " nest of comfort," and as the Indian is 
not a stickler on the score of cleanliness, it is the very best cradle that 
they could adopt. To the board or slats is attached a strap which, 
passed over the head, rests on the mother's chest and shoulders, 
leaving the arms free. When about the lodge the mother stands the 
cradle in some out -of- the way corner, or in fine weather against a tree: 
or if the wind is blowing fresh it is hung to a branch, where it fulfills 
all the promise of a nursery rhyme. 

When the baby is 10 months to a year old it is released from its 
confinement and for a year or two more of its life takes its short jour 
neys on its mother's back in a simple way. It is placed well up between 
the shoulders; the blanket is then thrown over both, and being drawn 
tightly at the front of her neck by the mother, leaves a fold behind, in 
which the little one rides securely and apparently without the slightest 
inconvenience to either rider or ridden. A Nez Perce woman may be 
seen playing a vigorous game of ball with a baby on her back. 3 

Examining a collection of cradles from the United States east of the 
Rocky Mountains, the student is at a loss to harmonize the object with 
the old descriptions. Often the traveler speaks of a board being used, 
and this is true for cradles east of the Plains, or where timber abounds, 
but on the Plains the cradle is backed by lattice work, with sharp ends 

'Carver, ''Three Years' Travels," Philadelphia, 1796, p. 151. 

3 Dodge, " Our Wild Indians," Hartford, 18S3, Worthington, pp. 185-186. 

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projecting upward. Of course, aboriginally, there was no board cradle 
back, and even the modern nicely planed slats were unknown. 

On the Pacific Slope of America, between Mount St. Blias and Puget 
Sound, are the following great stocks of Indians: 

1. Kolmchan or Tlingit. — Including Auk, Chilcat, Hanega, Hood- 
sunu, Hunah, Kek, Sitka, Stahkin,Tagish,Taku,Tongass, and Yakutat. 

2. Skittagetan. — Called also Haida. 

3. Chimmesyan. — The Nasqa and Tsimshian of Boas. 

4. Wakashan. — Aht and Haeltzuk tribes. 

5. Salishan. — In British Columbia, Washington, and Montana. 

The Tlingit have three forms of cradle. The first is a simple piece of 
bark curled up, and the very young child is securely lodged therein. 
The second is made of a backing of hard substance, basketry, etc., and 
the front is a close curving or boot of sealskin or some other warm fur. 
The third is the trough-shaped variety seen farther south. Both in the 
matter of form and of carrying appliances the Pacific Slope cradles are 
to be compared with northern forms of the Eastern Continent. Espe- 
cially to be noted are the four guys or strings from the upper border of 
the trough or the basket instead of or in addition to the headband at 
the back. Furthermore, on this coast are both forms with reference to 
the feet, that in which they are lashed down and that in which they 
are free, but the free form is doubtless the older. 

The situation of the Tchinkitanayau (Koluschan) children at the 
breast, says Marchand, is, however, deplorable. They are packed up 
in a sort of wicker cradle, somewhat like one of our chairs, the back of 
which has been cut at a small height above the seat. The cradle is 
covered outwardly with dry leather and lined with furs in the place 
where the child is to rest. Placed in a sitting posture, with its legs 
extended and stuck one against the other, it is covered to the chin by 
an otter skin and tied down in order to fix it on its bed of pain by 
leather straps which leave it no liberty except for the motions of its 
head. Care is taken to cover the seat on which it rests with dry moss, 
and some of the same material is placed between its thighs. 1 

Example No. 20556 is a Bella coola cradle (fig. 206a), consisting of a 
trough-shaped frame made of two pieces of giant cedar, as follows: The 
bottom and headboard are in one piece, about one-half to three- fourths 
of au inch thick, and the two sides and foot are in one piece. The 
angles and the bends near the child's knees are effected by scarfing the 
wood almost through on the inside and boiling and bending it into 
shape. In this art these Indians are very expert, making great num- 
bers of boxes for food and clothing with joints invisible on the outside. 

The joints of this cradle are united by means of small withes of 
willow. Characteristic marks are the flat bottom ; headboard like a little 
gravestone, painted in red and black, with conventional symbol of a 

1 Marchand, " Voyage Around the World," London, 1801, I, p. 262. Cf. tigs. 195 and 

H. Mis. 90, pt. 2 33 

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totem; two streaks of red paint on the upper margin of the sides; the 
change in the angle of convergence near the child effected by scarfing 
and bending the sides. 

The bed consists of a mass of finely-shredded cedar bark. This is 
overlaid with some kind of cloth or fur, and the lashing passes through 
holes in flaps of rawhide, in place of the series of eyelet loops occurring 
on cradles farther south. 

The Wakashan child lies at full length and the sides of the cradle 
are sufficiently high to enable the mother to lace it in by a cord passed 

a Fig. 206. b 


(a) Cat. No. MU0, U. S. N. M. Br lla Cool* (Sal whan) Indians. Collected by J. O. Swan. 
(fc) Out. No. 1574, U. S. N. M. Chinook Indian*. Collected by Lieutenant Wilken. 

from side to side, a small block being put at one end as a pillow. When 
the mother is traveling she carries the cradle on her back in nearly an 
upright position with the head appearing just above her shoulders, but 
if she is working she suspends the infant from a pliant branch of a tree, 
or sticking a pole in the ground at a slight angle hangs the cradle, 
sometimes upright, sometimes horizontally, on the end of it. She moves 
pole and cradle so as to keep it near her and every now and then gives 
the latter a swing so that it rocks up and down. It is said that when 
children die they are put in some lake or pool in their cradles and left 
to float, the water being regarded as sacred ever after. 1 Especial 

'Mayne, "British Columbia and Vancouver Island/' p. 80S. 

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attention is called to the double method of suspending the cradle, 
though there may be only one way of carrying it. Dr. Boas has sent 
to the U. S. National Museum three photographs of the cradles of the 
Kwakiutl or Fort Bupert Indians of this stock, and in each of them 
the mother has suspended the object horizontally from a bough and is 
rocking it by means of a string with the hand or the toe. 

As soon as a Similkameeu child in British Columbia can sit alone it is 
placed on horseback, indeed before that it becomes familiarized with 
horses, for while a child is still bound on a u papoose stick," it is hung 
by a strap to the pommel of its mother's saddle, and away it goes flying 
with her over the bunch-grass hills, and they thus make good riders, 
with firm, easy, graceful seating. 1 

The Twana in Washington State have no cradles, but for young 
infants they have a small board about the length of the child, on which 
they place cedar bark, which is beaten up very fine, and on this they 
tie the child a large portion of the time. When the child is a little 
older but not strong enough to hold on its mother's neck, she wraps a 
blanket or shawl around it and herself and thus carries it on her 

The cradle often lies down, but sometimes is hung on a small stick, a 
few feet high, which is fastened in the ground or floor, in a slanting 
direction, and acts as a spring. A string is fastened to it, and the 
mother pulls the string, which keeps the stick constantly moving and 
the cradle and child constantly swinging. This is done with the bare 
foot when the hands are busy at work. 2 

Example No. 1043 in the U. S. National Museum is a cradle trough 
rudely hewn out of cedar wood. A low bridge is left across the trough 
to strengthen it. Slats are put across to the level of the height of the 
bridge. The bedding is mats of cedar bark. On the lower end of 
the cradle is a handle. Around the sides are fastened strings. The 
compress for the head is fastened by means of cords to the sides of the 
cradle. It is woven of root and straw and stuffed tightly with cedar 
bark. In the cradle is a wooden model of a baby undergoing the process 
of head flattening. The covering is a cedar mat. 

Length, 26 inches; width in the middle, 8f inches; length of end, 5 
inches; upper, 6£ inches; depth, 4£ inches; length of head compress, 
10 inches; width of the stem, 3 inches expanded; end, 3f inches. Col- 
lected by J. (t. Swan. 

Example No. 1044 is a similar trough (empty). 

The cradle of the Makah Indians, the most southern extension of the 
Wakashan stock, at Cape Flattery, Washington, is the cedar trough or 
ark prevalent further north and a little southward. Swan collected 
cradles from this tribe and conveys the important information that they 
are suspended horizontally by strings reaching from four corners to a 

'Mrs. Allison, .Touru. Anthrop. Inst., London, 1892, xxi, p. 306. 
*M. Eells, Bull. U. S. Cieol. and Geog. Surv., 1877, pp. 3,68,102. 

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pliant pole, and that is swung or rocked by the mother with her hand, 
or, if she be engaged at work, she does the rocking with her great toe, 1 
Ah soon as a Makah child is born it is washed in warm urine and 
then smeared with whale oil and placed in a cradle made of bark, 
woven basket fashion, or of wood, either cedar or alder, hollowed out 
for the piirjmse. Into the cradle a quantity of finely separated cedar 
bark of the softest texture is first thrown. At the foot is a board 
raised at an angle of about 25° whi<?h serves to keep the child's feet 

elevated or, when the cradle is raised, to 

lild to nurse, to form a support 

y or a sort of a seat. This is 

I with bark, he-se-yu. A pillow 

f the same material just high 

eep the head in its natural posi 

le spinal column neither elevated 

ed. First the child is laid on its 

gs properly extended, its arms 

• its sides, and a covering either 

of bark or cloth laid over it, 

and then, commencing at its 

feet, the whole body is firmly 

laced up, so that it has no 

chance to move in the least 

When the body is well secured 

a padding of he-se-yu is placed 

over the child's forehead, over 

which is laid bark of a some 

what stiffer texture, and the 

head is firmly lashed down to 

the sides of the cradle. Thus 

the infant remains, seldom 

Fitf.207. taken out more than once a 

NKZ PKKCK (8HAHA1TIAN) CRADLE. day wm]e it ig yery y OU ng, 

0»L N<>. 23H4&, U. S. N. M. CollnUvl l.y J. B. Monleith. , ,, , . , .. . 

and then only to wash it and 
dry its bedding. The same style of cradle appears to be used whether 
it is intended to compress the skull or not, and that deformity is accom- 
plished by simply drawing the strings of the head-pad tightly and keep- 
ing up the pressure for a long time. Children are usually kept in these 
cradles till they are a year old, but as their growth advances they are 
not tied up quite so long for the first few months. The mother in wash 
ing her child seldom takes the trouble to heat water; she simply fills 
her mouth with water and when she thinks it warm enough spirts it 
on the child and rubs it with her hand. If the infant be very dirty, a 
wash of stale urine is used, which effectually removes the oil and dirt. 2 

1 J. G. Swan, "Indians of Cape Flattery," Washington, 1869, pp. 7-18. 
" Ibid., pp. 18-19. 

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A cradle box and doll in the Emmons Tlingit collection illustrates 
what is meant by leaving the feet* free. It is a coffin-shaped box, with 
sides curved out, headboard elevated, and a false bottom board that has 
one end under the child's thighs and the other cocked up on the top of 
a wooden image representing a man's head. The child is wrapped in 
fur, its face and feet bare. 

In the same collection is a Kawitchin (Salishan) basket cradle. 
Seventeen strips of wood form the warp of the bottom. These are 
covered with coiled weaving of split bark. The sides and ends of the 
cradle are similarly made and are eight strips high. The edge consists 
of a narrow beading. The upper side of the 
outside is overlaid with strips of straw i 
brown bark in geometric patterns. The cl 
is laid at length in this apparatus. There 
short loop at one end for suspension vertica 
For the purpose of carriage a string is tie< 
both margins in front, another is similarly i 
across the foot of the frame. The carrj 
string or band is fastened to the middh 
these two cross strings and the child is be 
horizontally, precisely as in Eussia and Sibe 
This is a very beautiful object, and tho 
collected among the Kawitchin, is in 
a style of weaving peculiarly Shahap- 

The Walla Walla Indian women form- 
erly sat astride a saddle made with high 
pommel and can tie. In traveling they 
carried their infants either dangling by 
the cradle strap to the pommel or slung 
in a blanket over their shoulders. Here, 
as elsewhere, a hoop was bent over the 
child's face to protect it from injury. 
In these cradles the feet of the children 
were bandaged and made straight for 
the coming swift and enduring runner. 

Example No. 23845 is a cradle of the 
Nez Perc6, in Wyoming, and example No. 129675 a specimen from 
the Spokane Indians, both of the Shahaptian stock (figs. 207, 208). 
Although both tribes are in the Pacific drainage, they are away from 
the land of boats and in the area of great game. At present they are 
horse Indians, and they have been so during a long time. Their method 
of transporting children will, therefore, partake of two natures or spring 
from two motives. 

The passenger is in fact encapsulated in a narrow leather inclosure, 
very much like the upper part of a passenger toboggan in the Hudson 

Fig. 208. 

State of Washington. 

Cat No. 189675, V. S. N. M. Collected by Mr* A. C. 

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Bay country. The basis of the cradle is a kite-shaped board 3 feet 
high. The exposed parts of the botord, back and front, are covered 
with buckskin, and above the hood the front is adorned with bead- 
work. The opening for the child is left by the edges of the buckskin. 
A rigid lining to the hood forms the protection of the child's head. A 
strap on the back of the board serves for suspension on the mother's 
head, from the saddlebow, or upon a limb or hook. 

In the making of a cradle by the Chinook Indians at the Columbia 
mouth, a block of cedar wood 30 inches long and 12 inches square was 

roughly hewn in shape of a scow with 
bulging sides. At the foot, on the out- 
side, was carved a handle. The bed was 
of shredded cedar bark, and the cover- 
ing, a quilt of the same material roughly 
held together by twined weaving. A 
long pad was hinged to the headboard 
and so arranged as to be drawn down 
over the child's forehead and lashed to 
either side of the trough. 

An interesting feature about this 
form of cradle is the appliance for 
lashing the child, as seen in exam- 
ple No. 2574, U. S. National Museum, 
fig. 206 (ft): 

1. A series of holes along the side 
just below the margin, parallel with 
the border most of the way, but sloping 
quite away from it at the head. 

2. A cord of coarse root laid along 
next to these holes on the outside of 
the cradles. 

3. On either side of the bedding a 
series of loops for the lacing string 

Fi g . 209. formed by passing a twine through the 

cradle used by tiie orkoon Indians. first hole, around the root cord on the 

Cat No. «575, U. S. N. M. Collected by the Wilkes Ki- OUtside, back thrOUgll the SaillC hole lip 

to the middle of the cradle to form a 
loop, back through the next hole in the same manner. 

4. The lacing string runs through these loops alternately from bot- 
tom to top. 

The ornamentation of this type of cradle is chiefly by means of parti- 
colored basketry and furs. The Chinook were an advanced people in 
art, and many of their cradles were very prettily adorned. Mr. Catlin 
figures one in which the process of head flattening is going forward. 1 

Example No. 2575 (fig. 209) is a specimen collected by Wilkes. This 
cradle board is shaped like a trowel, with a short triangular handle. It 

'Catlin "North American Indians,'' n, p. 110, pi. 210$, letter a. 

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is covered with buckskin in a single piece, secured around the bottom 
and up the axis of the cradle as far as the foot of the bed. The bed is 
a little mound in the middle of the board. Around its lower margin the 
buckskin covering of the cradle board is stretched by means of a raw- 
hide string run quite through the board and outlining the bed on the 
back of the board. The flaps of buckskin are drawn up for the bed 
inclosure, and a series of the ordinary loops are tied along both edges to 
receive the lashing string. A triangular flap lashed at the three angles 
covers the legs and feet. A more ornamental flap forms the hood, 
notched and beaded, and is bound fast over the forehead. Along the 
top of the cradle are beautiful 
fringes of leather and bead- 

The Modoc women make a 
very pretty baby basket of fine 
willow work, cylinder shaped, 
with one-half of it cut away, 
except a few inches at the ends. 
It is intended to be set up 
against the wall or carried on 
the back, hence the infant is 
lashed perpendicular in it, 
with its feet standing out free 
at one end and the other end 
covering its head like a small 
parasol. In one this canopy 
is supported by small stand- 
ards spirally wrapped with 
strips of gay-colored calico, 
with looped and scalloped 
hangings between. The little 
fellow is wrapped all around 

like a mummy, with nothing Fig. 210. 

visible but his head, and some- HUPA ,NDIAN <-radlk basket. 

times even that is bandaged <*■»*»«*«•".«• 

back tight so that he may sleep standing. From the manner in which 
the tender skull is thus bandaged back it occasionally results that it 
grows backward and upward at an angle of about 45°. 
- The painstaking which the Modoc squaw expends on her baby basket 
is an index to her maternal love. On the other hand, a California squaw 
often carelessly sets her baby in a deep conical basket, the same in 
which she carries her household effects, leaving him loose and liable to 
fall out. If she makes a baby basket it is totally devoid of ornament, 
and one tribe, the Miwok, contemptuously call it the u dog's nest." It 
is among Indians like these that we hear of infanticides. 

Example No. 126510 (fig. 210) is a cradle basket of the II upas of north- 
western California. A slipper- shaped, openwork basket of osier warp 

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and twined weaving constitutes the body of the cradle. It is woven as 
follows: Commencing at the upper end, the small ends of the twigs are 
held in place one-eighth inch apart by three rows of twined weaving 
followed by a row in which an extra strengthening twig is whipped or 
served in place as in the Makah basketry. At intervals of 2 J to 3 inches 
are three rows of twined basketry, every alternate series having oue of 
the strengthening twigs, increasing in thickness downward. The twigs 
constituting the true bottom of the so-called slipper continue to the end 
of the square toe and are fastened off, while those that form the sides 
are ingeniously bent to form the vamp of the slipper. This part of the 
frame is held together by rows of twined weaving boustrophedou. 

Fig. 211. 

From h ptuntiiig by Mm. J. \V. Hudaon. 

When two rows of this kind of twining lie quite close, it has the appear- 
ance of four-ply plaiting, and has been taken for such by the superficial 
observer. The binding around the opening of the cradle is formed of a 
bundle of twigs seized with a strip or tough root. The awning is made 
of open wicker and twined basketry bound with colored grass. This 
pretty flat cone resembles the salmon baskets figured and described in 
the Ray collection. 

The child is not straightened out in this type, but sits with its feet 
partially exposed. The long toe of the frame holds the infant above 
the ground. At this point the horizontal and suspensory cradle leaves 
off and the standing cradle begins. 

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There is, in the U. S. National Museum, a cradle (example No. 19614) 
for a new-born babe from the McCloud Eiver Indians, of California, 
belonging to the basket-tray type. It is shaped very much like a large 
grain scoop, or the lower half of a moccasin, and made of twigs in twined 
weaving. There are double rows of twining 2 inches, or such a matter, 
apart, and nearly all of them are boustrophedon. which gives the appear- 
ance of a four-ply braid. 

The general shoe shape of the cradle is effected by commencing at the 
heel, which is here the bottom, and doubling the twigs by a continually 
sharper turn until, along the bottom, the rods simply lie parallel; that 
is, the rods that lie along the middle of the bottom terminate at the 
heel, while those from the sides and upper end are continuous. Around 
the border and forming a brace across 
the upper end is a border made of a 
bundle of rods seizing with tough bast 
or split root. The twigs themselves 
project upward, an inch or two from 
this brace, and are not fastened off. 

Dr. J. W. Hudson says that the 
California coast Indians above San 
Francisco Bay do not suspend the 
cradle' nor completely swaddle the 
infant, but they defend the base in 
order to stand the apparatus on its 
lower end. To this peculiar arrange- 
ment of the child in its bed, Dr. 
Hudson thinks, is due the bodily 
form of the people. The Sioux, Algon 
quiau, and other iuterior tribes sub 
ject to long journeys, sudden changes 
of temperature, and rough handling 
more securely swaddle their children. 
The cradle board draws the cervical 
and spinal bones nearer the same line, 
flattens the dorsal surface (iigs. 211, 212), rounds the thoracic muscles, 
and represses adiposity. 

Example No. 21398 in the U. S. National Museum is a cradle from 
Potter Valley, California, of willow twigs laid closely together and held 
in place by an ingenious weaving to be explained further on. 

The head of the cradle is a hoop of wood, 1 foot in diameter, quite 
open. It is fastened to the wickerwork by a continuous coil of twine 
passing around it and between the willow rods consecutively, being 
caught over the curious braid that holds the twigs together. In the 
example described the lashing is of cotton string, but in a more primi- 
tive form it would be of hemp or grass cord. The ends of the warp 
twigs are cut off flush with the hoop. The sides and bottom of the 

Fig. 212. 

From r photograph in the U. S. National Mimeum. 

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cradle are scoop- shaped with high perpendicular sides, the twigs form- 
ing it all terminating at the head hoop. 

The rods of the cradle frame are held together by a series of braids 
about 2 inches apart. This braid is so constructed of a single string 
as to resemble two rows of coiled sewing on the inside and a close 
double herringbone on the outside, and is made as follows: Commence 
at one edge of the fabric and carry the twine along three osiers and 
down through the warp, bring it back two and through to the front, 
forward three, crossing number one; through and back two, and 
through to the front, one rod ahead. Repeat this over and over, for- 
ward three,- back- two, forward three, back two, ready to start again. 

Long leather loops are attached to the bottom of the cradle where it 
joins the upright sides, to receive the lacing string which holds the 
baby in place. 

Example No. 21398 is a Porno cradle, collected by Stephen Powers, 
and there are similar specimens from the Concow and other tribes on 
the Pacific drainage between Cape Mendocino and San Francisco. In 
this peculiar type the climax of the free feet is reached. Dr. Hudson, 
who has studied carefully the forms and types of basketry in the 
region, presents a picture of the child fastened in the frame, and Mr. 
J. N. Purcell furnishes the accompanying description : * 

This is the baby-carrying basket used by most of the tribes of the 
Pacific Coast from Cape Mendocino to San Francisco Bay. Being used 
by them for carrying and nursing purposes, it is the child's almost con 
stant home from the age of 2 weeks until it can stand alone; even then, 
when the mother is traveling, the child is carried in this basket. After 
having been dressed, the babe is set or laid in the basket, its face to 
the opening, the buttock resting on the lower part. The feet hang over 
the outer edge. The child is usually wrapped in a shawl, which comes 
down over its feet. 

It is fastened in by means of a cord or small rope run through the 
buckskin loops attached to each side of the basket and wrapped snugly 
around and around the body of the child. Commencing at the breast^ 
this lacing extends to about 6 inches below the feet. Thus the child can 
not throw its feet about, nor can it fall out, for the six loops which are 
run through with cord hold it securely in the basket. This apparatus j 
is carried on the mother's back, the buckskin strap securely fastened on 
the bottom of the basket and passed around the mother's forehead or , 
breast. Thus the cradle rests securely upon the back and shoulders j 
of the mother. The child's face is, of course, out, and its head, neck, 
and arms free, save the hoop around the top of the basket. This keeps j 
the head from injury. The small ear-like pieces extending above the ^# 
hoop on each side about 2 inches are for the purpose of fastening a veil . 
or covering over the face of the child. This is only done when the suh 
is shining very hot. These baskets are usually made of ordinary creek 

i See also Rep. Smithsonian Inst. (U. S. Nat. Mus.), 1887, p. 182, fig. 14. 

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willows, except the hoop and sometimes the two outside ribs, which are 
of redbud or oak. The pieces running semicircular around from one 
side of the basket to the other, with twine wrapped about them, are of 
willow. Instead of twine, sinew or wire-grass roots are most often used. 

Example No. 19698 (fig. 188) is a cradle from the Tule tribe. The 
frame consists of three parts — the foundation, which is a forked stick ; 
the cross-bars, lashed beneath ; and the slat of twigs, upon which the bed 
is laid. Some parts of this frame demand description. The fork is a 
common branched limb, not necessarily symmetrical, with short handle, 
and prongs nearly 3 feet long, 
spreading about 10 inches at the 
distal end or top. 

At the back of the fork are 
lashed 19 rods of wood project- 
ing at their ends an inch or more 
beyond the fork. The lashing of 
the rods to the fork is by means 
of sinew skillfully crossed both 
in front and rear — that is, the 
seizing is partly parallel and 
partly cross-laced to give the 
strongest joint. These wooden 
rods seem to follow a rude plan of 
pairs, but the design is not clear. 

The slat- work on the front con 
sists of a separate transverse rod 
to which about 40 twigs are at 
tached by bending the large end 
of each one around the rod and 
then holding the series in place 
by a row or two of twined weav- 
ing with split twig. To fasten 

this slat- work in place, the rod is Fi s- 213 - 

put behind the two outex ends YOKAIA W0MAN CABBYI ™ CH1LD - 

n . - n % -% , • t i >•% a • From photograph in U. S. National Museum by Mrs. J. W. Hudnon. 

of the forked stick and the twigs 

laid in order on the front of the series of transverse rods so as to fill 
neatly the space between the forks. These twigs are held in place by 
lashing them here and there to the transverse rods and to the side 
prongs. This lashing crosses the twigs diagonally in front and the rods 
behind vertically. 1 

Upon this cradle rack or frame is fastened the true cradle, which in 
this instance is a. strip of coarse mat made of soft flags, 1 foot wide, 
joined by crossrows of twined weaving 2 inches apart. This mat is 
bordered by a braid of flags, and the two ends are puckered or drawn 

1 By a misprint in a former paper the name Klamath is associated with this speci- 
men. Rep. Smithsonian Inst. (U. S. Nat. Mus.), 1887, p. 180, fig. 12. 


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to a point. The cradle belongs to the open, unhooded type and is made 
by doubling the matting at the head and drawing it together to a point 
at the foot. The edge nearest to the cradle frame is joined and fas- 
tened to the frame, while the outer edge is allowed to flare open. Li 
this little ark of flags or rushes the baby is placed. 

Having escaped from the scoop-like half seat, halt cradle, before 
described, the California child is still obliged to be a passenger. It 
does not ride pickaback, as the Eskimo, nor on the shoulder, as do the 
Caucasians, nor on the arm, as often seen in Africa; but it straddles 

the mother's hips and is held se- 
cure by her shawl or girdle (fig. 
U13), recalling rather the infants of 
Japan and thereabout. 

Example No. 24146 in the U. S. 
National Museum is from the Mo- 
have, in southern California and 
Arizona. The frame of this cradle 
is a prettily made ladder or trellis, 
built up as follows: A pole of 
hard wood about 7 feet long is 
bent in shape of an oxbow, the 
sides 7 inches apart at top and 
5£ inches at bottom, so that the 
cradle is a little narrower at 
the foot. Eleven cross bars. 
like ladder rounds, connect and 
strengthen the frame, commenc- 
ing at the bottom and ending 
near the bow. These rounds con- 
sist each of three elements — a 
rod or spreader between the two 
sides; a strap-like binding of two 
or three split twigs clasping the 
Fi«. 2u. sides and laid along on the 


Cat. No. 24146, U.S. N. M. Collfcte.l hy Kdwnrd Palmer. . . , . , . - , ., . - 

twig holding fast the straps and 
spreader. The drawing of the reverse side clearly sets forth the man- 
ner of administering this light but strong cross bracing (fig. 214). 

Upon this ladder is laid the cradle bed of willow or mezquite bast, 
made as follows: Three bundles of stripped bast, each about an inch in 
diameter, are lashed at their middle with the same material. They are 
then doubled together concentrically and spread out to form a bed. 
On this is laid a little loose finely-shredded bast, like a nest, and the 
bed is ready for the baby. 

A dainty quilt or counterpane of bast is made from strips 30 inches 
long, doubled and braided at the top like a cincture. This braiding is 

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unique and so very neatly done as to demand explanation. Two strips 
of bast are seized about their middle by a single twist of the two ele- 
ments of twined weaving. Of course, two halves will project above and 
two below the twist. Lay two more strips of bast in the second bight 
of the twist and draw down the first two upper ends, one to the right 
of and the other between the second pair of strips, seizing them in place 
by another half turn of the twines. Lay on a third pair of bast strips 
and bring down the second pair of ends projecting upward, as at first. 
The weaving consists of four movements, namely: Laying in a pair of 
bast strips, grasping them with a half turn of the two twining wefts, 
bending down the two upward strips just 
preceding, one between, the other outside of 
the last two strips, and grasping them with a 
half turn of twine. 

The lashing belts of this cradle are 12 to 
15 ply braids made up of red, green, white, 
and black woolen and cotton cords, plaited 
after the manner of the straws in hat making. 
Special attention is called to the peculiar type 
of ornamentation undesignedly originated by 
braiding with threads of different colors. On 
this belt of several colors the threads are 
so arranged as to produce a continuous series 
of similar triangles, filling the space between 
two parallel lines by having their bases above 
and below alternately. Not the worst of the 
ornamentation is the parallelism of the braid- 
ing threads, now to one side of the triangle 
and in the next figure running in a direction 
exactly at right angles. One of the com- 
monest ornaments on pottery, rude stone, 
and carved wood is this distribution of lines 
in triangles. 

The floor of the Yaqui cradle (fig. 215) is of CBADLR FRAME * F MED8i U8KD BY 
the slatted type, 30 inches long. A dozen or thb ya^ui Indians of sonora. 
more reeds, such as arrow shafts, are fastened CnU No - WB6 ' u & * M collects b, e<j- 

' ' wan! Palmer. 

in the same plane by dowel pins. The reeds 

are not bored for the pins but simply notched in a primitive fashion. 
There is no cradle trough, but a bed of bast, shredded, is laid on longi- 
tudinally. The pillow consists of a bundle of little splints laid on 
transversely, at either end of which is a pad of rags. There is no 
awning, and the lashiug material in this instance is a long cotton rag, 
taking the place of a leather strap, passing round and round baby and 
frame and fastened off in a martingale arrangement crossing the feet 
and tied to the lower corners of the cradle. 
When a Pima child is able to stand alone, the mother allows it to 

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mount upon the immense cinctures of bark worn on her back and to 
grasp her around tbe neck. On long journeys, says Edward PaJmex, 
they use the cradle board. 

Leaving the Pacific Slope and reverting to the Great Interior Basin. 
the Shoshonean tribes in the far north will be found adapting theni 
selves to the surrounding Siouan, Salishan, and Shahaptian customs. 
They are on the drainage of the great Columbia and in the area of 
buckskin. For the most part, the basis of all Shoshonean cradles is of 
twig, a kind of open basketry with a warp of rods and a row of twined 
weaving here and there. Upon this grating the awning is built up for 

the face. Over it the covering 
of buckskin is stretched and to 
it the headband is attached as it 
is to the universal conical pack 
ing basket of the same culture 

Example No. 128342 in the 

U. S. National Museum (fig. 216) 

is a cradle of the Uncompahgre 

Utes collected, with others, by 

Captain Beckwith, U. S. A. It 

is built upon a kite-shaped board. 

Special attention is called to the 

two suspension straps, one near 

the top for hanging in the cabin. 

the other lower down for the 

woman's forehead, to set the 

load well up on the back. 

Maj. J. W. Powell collected a variety of Ute cradle frames in 

ute cradle. his early explorations. Example 

Tho frame is made of sticks covered with buckskin. >^*q 14646 from the Oolorado 

Cat. No. 12KU2, U. S. N. M. Collected by Captiun Brckwith. U. S. A. ^c. , , _ 

Utes, is shown in three views. 
The frame is based on a dozen or more twigs, without bark, laid par 
allel. Underneath these is laid an ellipsoidal hoop, spread a little way 
beyond the rod at the sides. A stick is laid across under the rods and 
is fastened at its ends to the hoop and also to the rods by the wrapping 
of a filament. Two or three rows of twined weaving hold the rods iu 
place at intervals. Over the frame a dainty awning is built and a cov 
ering of beautiful white buckskin incloses all. The carrying band is 
attached to the crossbar and goes over the forehead of the mother. 

Example No. 14640 (fig. 217) is a cradle of the Utes of southern Utah. 
This cradle has the oxbow frame lathed along the back with twigs close 
together and held in place by a continuous seizing of sinew. It is a 
rude affair, but this is evidently due to the lack of material in a desert 
country rather than to want of taste in the maker. The awning for the 

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face is a band of basketry, 4 inches wide, attached by its ends to the 
side frame of the cradle. This band is of twined weaving, the weft 
running boustrophedon. Notice especially that each half turn of the 
twine includes two warp twigs and that when the weaver turned back- 
ward she did not inclose the same pairs of warp twigs, but twined them 
in quincuncially, creating a mass of elongated rhomboidal openings, 
exactly as the Aleutian Islanders weave their marvelously fine grass 
wallets, while the Ute weaving is a model of coarseness in an identical 
technique with unaccommodating material. The headband of buckskin 

Fig. 217. 


The frame is of rods covered with buckskin. 

Cat. No. 14646, U. S. N. M. Collected by M«u. J. W. Powell. 

is not tied immediately to the bowed frame, but is knotted to a loop 
made of a narrow string wound three times around the frame aud 

Pyramid Lake, Nevada, is on the border of California and adjoining 
to the Palaihnihan or Achomawi and Pujunan families of the last 
named States. Examples Nos. 19040 and 76734 (fig. 218) are from the 
Nevada Utes. 

When the Ute babe leaves its swaddling frame, and before it comes 

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to l>e entirely independent, it passes an intermediate stage, like ibe 
oj>ossum, in an open sack. In this case the mother puts her shawl or 
robe about her. straps her bandolier around over one arm and under 
the other, and the young passenger has an apartment below which it 
can not go. Example No. 152252 (tig. 219) shows the Ute mother carry 
ing a 2-year-old child. 

The cradles of the cliff dwellers were made in the shape of an ellipse, 
constricted slightly at the sides. Small reeds or twigs were laid side 
by side lengthwise and on top of these crosswise, as in African shields 

Fig. 218. 


Cat. N<>«. IWMO »n«l 76734, I". S. N. M. N«vada exhibit, New Or lean. Exposition. 

On one side the sticks run up and down; on the other side they run 
crosswise. The two sets are held together by weaving in geometric 
patterns. On some of these cradles the hood is still preserved. 

Example No. 21523 in the U. S. National Museum (fig. 220) is a very 
elaborate Apache cradle, the substantial part consisting of the frame 
and the hood. The frame is elliptical in outline, being formed by a 
pole of wood bent and the two ends spliced and lashed. Upon this 
ellipse are laid laths of pine, planed. Over the child's face is built 
the hood formed by bending two bows of supple wood to the required 
shape and overlaying them with transverse laths of pine laid cio*? 

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together arid tied down. The upper edges of these laths are beveled 
so as to give a pretty eftect to the curved surface. The leather work 
on the cradle consists of a crown of white buckskin to the hood, a 
binding of brown buckskin to the bowed frame above the hood varie- 
gated with narrow bands of white buckskin, and finally, the true sides 
or capsule of the cradle, consisting of a strip of soft, brown buckskin, 
say 10 inches wide, cut in a fringe along its lower border and edged 
with fringe of white buckskin along its upper outer edge. This strip 


Fig. 219. 

From a photograph in the V. 8. Natmnnl Muxcum. 

is fastened to the cradle* continuously, commencing at an upper margin 
of the awuiug, carried along this awning, fastened to its lower margin 
4 inches above the junction of awning and frame, passing on to the foot 
and around to the other side as at first. Slits are made in the upper 
edge of the brown buckskin just below where the white buckskin 
fringe is sewed or run on, and back and forward through these slits a 
broad, soft baud of buckskin passes to form the cradle lashing. To 
perfect the ornamentation of this beautiful object, tassels of buckskin 
H. Mis. 90, pt. 2 34 

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in two colors and strings of red, white, and blue beads are disposed with 
great taste. 

A simpler form of cradle, based, however, upon the elongated hoop, is 
shown in fig. 221, introduced here to illustrate all the details involved, 
to wit, the method of wearing the headband, the function of the awning 
as a cover and a place for toys, the border loops as on the margin of a 
sandal, the cross lacing, the free feet in accordance with the widespread 
west coast and northern habit, the modern style of wearing the blanket, 

Pig. 220. 

Cat. No. S1523, U. S. N. M. Collected by Dr. J. B. WhiUs, V. S. A. 

the moccasins of the mother soled and having a protection against 
thorns in front, and, finally, her leggings, each one made of an entire 

The Navajo cradle, No. 127615, and the one with which it is compared 
(figs. 222 and 223), are built upon two strips of thin board, each pointed 
at the top, after the manner of the Indians on the plains. The awning of 
splint bows in figure 222 is suggestive of the buggy-top awning affected 
by the Zuni Indians. This and many other introduced elements make 
it very difficult to discriminate what is truly aboriginal from what is not 

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The packing, the lacing, the bedding, the pillow, and the headband 
are characteristic of the region. The cover or spread of bnckskin and 
the foot rest are not so common. The former is of the north or of 
elevated and cool regions; the latter has a distribution not worked out. 
It will be seen on Iroquoian and other eastern forms, and on a Pitt 
River cradle from California, example No. 21411, figured upside down 
in the U. S. National Museum Report of 1887, page 180. This cradle of 
the Navajo Indians resembles the same article made by the Rocky Moun- 
tain tribes. It includes the flat board to support the vertebral column 
of the infant, with a layer of blankets and soft wadding to give ease to 
the position, having the edges of the frame- 
work ornamented with leather fringe. Around 
and over the head of the child, who is strapped 
to this plane, is an ornamented hoop, to pro- 
tect the face and cranium from accident. A 
leather strap is attached to the vertebral frame- 
work to enable the mother to sling it on her 
back. 1 

The Zuni use a simple cradle board with 
parallel sides and the top either cut semicir- 
cular or notched in gradines in imitation of a 
kind of ornament much affected by these peo- 
ple in their decoration. Holes are bored along 
the sides for lashings and carrying strap. A 
block pillow, identical in form with the pillow 
blocks of many European peoples, performs the 
functions of a head rest and of a cleat. There 
are many examples in the U. S. National Mu- 
seum, of which Nos. 41184 and 69015 are types. 

The elements of the Moki cradle frame, ex- 
ample No. 23154 in theU. S. National Museum 
(fig. 224), are the floor and the awning. The 
floor is of the oxbow type, having the bow at Fi m 

the'foot and the loose ends projecting upward APACHE squaw^abryino child. 
as in the Yokaia and other California frames. Kr»m . P bot.«rapbi D the u.s. Nation*! 
The Moki are the only savages west of the "—.^i.^"-* 

Rocky Mountains known to the writer who make real wicker basketry. 
This cradle frame is covered with wicker of unbarked twigs, four rows 
on the floor and four on the awning. The warp of the floor is formed of 
series having two twigs each. There is a great variety in the delicacy, 
the number of warp strands, and the minor details in the Moki cradle 
floors. Indeed, while they are all alike in general marks, there are no 
two alike in respect to patterns. The awning is still more varied. 
Fundamentally it is a band of wicker basketry longer than the cradle is 
wide, its ends securely fastened to the frame sides by lashings of yucca 

1 Schoolcraft's Archives, iv, pp. 435-430; also Bancroft's Native Races, I, p. 501. 

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fiber or string. Here and there stitches are omitted so as to effect an 
openwork ornamentation. An additional strip frequently passes at 
right from the apex of the awning at the upper edge to the floor of the 
frame at its upper end. (Fig. 225.) 

The Quich6 mother in Guatemala carries her babe on her back while 
she is at work and rocks it in a hammock while it is asleep. 

The Mu8o and Colima, on the Magdalen a, in Colombia, formerly laid 
their children in cradles made of reeds, just big enough to contain that 

Fig. 222. Fig. 223. 


From n figure in the Report «,f tl.p.S..i.thi«,..»n In- BUCKSKDX AWNING. 

■Mutioo (U. 8. National Museum), 1*87. Cut. No. 117615, U. S. N. M. Collated by Dr. R. W. Shu- 

feldt, U. S. A. 

little body, binding their wrists and the brawny parts of the arms, as 
also their legs at the ankles and the calves, placing them with the head 
downward, and the feet up, the cradle resting against a wall stooping, 
that their heads might grow hard and round. 1 Leaving out the last r 
interpretation, it is certain that the Muso infant was laid in a little 
trough of reeds, which should be compared with those cradles made of 
a bit of skin rolled up and with the cylindroid cradles of wood in 

1 Antonio de Herrera, "History of America," vi, p. 183. 

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Siberia. The binding of the whole body, feet and all, in this region is 

The Peruvians of old, it is said, used cradles of textile, not unlike 
those of California, but the Patagonians seem to be the only South 
Americans that actually strap their babies to a frame. On the pottery 
of Peru, children are seen lying in the lap, riding astride the neck, and 
sitting on the shoulder, but not fastened in cradles. 

Wiener figures a barefooted woman at Andaymayo, Peru, with her 
child in a sash which passes around her waist and over the right 
shoulder. Both hands are active in 
carrying objects. 1 

This fact should be considered in 
connection with the custom in the 
Tropics of wearing the infant about 
the naked body by the mother. On 
reaching elevated ground the cradle 
frame does not immediately appear, 
but the shawl or other garment be- 
comes more and more the nesting 
place of the tiny passenger. Custom 
and climate play upon each other at 
every turn, and the typical plan is 
apparent at each. 2 But cradles did 
exist, made of reeds as shown, along 
the Cordilleras. 

The Aymara Indian women of 
Tarapaca wear a long cotton gar- 
ment, over which is a woolen dress, 
then a long mantle fastened by tupus 
or pins of silver, a long waistband, 
then the female poncho in which they 
carry their children behind them. 3 

The Araucanian infant is rolled up 
in bandages and put into a cradle 
frame which may be carried about 
by the mother or hung to a peg 
driven into the walls of the house 
or laid in baskets suspended from 
the roof so that they can be swung by a cord tied to the cradle. 4 
The Araucanian woman is often figured in the role of both passenger 
carrier and burden carrier (fig. 226). The child is laced on a rack and 
borne on the back by means of a headband. At the same time any 
> amount of provisions may be stored in a netted bag suspended from the 



Fig. 224. 


Tusayan, Arizona. 

Cat. No. *31&4, U. 8. N. M. Collected by M*j. J. W. PcwelL 
In the smaller figure the awning is over the bowed end. 

>Perou et Bolivie, p. 180. 

"Excellent figure in Wiener's "Pcrou et Bolivie," p. 395. 
wrapped in a shawl tied across the mother's clavicles. 
a W. Bollaert, " Ethnology of South America," p. 250. 
* Wood, "Uncivilized Races," Hartford, n, p. 546. 

The infant is snugly 

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shoulder by a bandolier. She carries her baby in a sitting posture; so 
do the Californian women, as opposed to the others whose children are 
prone in the frame. The Araucanian frame resembles in make up that 
used by the Aino porter. It is worthy of inquiry whether the intro- 
duction of the horse into this region occasioned the rigid frame. 

According to J. G. Wood, quoting Captain Bourne, the children of » 
the Patagonians are laid in a square piece of guanaco skin, hung ham- 
mock wise by four ends to the rafters of the hut. During the daytime 
infants are packed in cradles made of pieces of board, between two 
pieces of guanaco skin. When the family is shifting quarters, the 

cradle is hung on the saddlebow of the 
mother's horse. 

Bourne says that the papooses of the 
Indians of Patagonia, in traveling, are 
lashed to a kind of wooden sledge, 
rounded at the ends like sleigh run- 
ners, and crossed with narrow slats 
that bind the parts strongly together. 
The little ones are bound upon these 
machines, which are so shaped that 
their heads and feet are much below 
the general level of their bodies — a 
very uncomfortable position for the 
youngsters, if they have as much sen- jj 
sibility to pain as other children, of 
which there is much doubt, as they 
are inured from birth to almost every 
species of hardship. The sledge, with 
its living burden, is thrown across the 
horse's back, and made fast to the load. 1 
In Paraguay the cradle frame re- 
appears after having passed out of 
Fig. 225. sight throughout the entire tropical 

MOKI CRADLEFRAME FROM TUSAYAN, ARI7X)NA. area A baiUniOCk for little ChUd^n 

Cat. No. 11789, U.S. N. M. Collected by Maj. J. W. Powell . , „ , ... , , 

is made of a hoop inclosing a net and 
supported by three short lines united as in a pair of scales and attached 
to a long line suspended from the roof. 

The Indians of the Gran Chaco are expert swimmers. Of their 
movements across a stream, Wood says that they, with one hand, guide 
the horse, or hold to the spear with its light burden, and with Ihe 
other paddle themselves across. The children and goods are conveyed 
in square boats or pelotas made of hide and towed by a rope tied to ^ 
the tail of a horse or held in the mouth of a good swimmer. 2 s 

In comparison with the carrying frame of Guatemala should be 

1 Bourne, " Captive in Patagonia," Boston, 1853, p. 82; illustrated. 
9 Wood, " Uncivilized Races," Hartford, n, p. 572. 

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studied a frame from Guiana, called a cradle by J. G. Wood. It is in 
form of a scoop inverted, made of the split reed so common in the 
Carib art The part nearest the carrier's back is widest, and the frame 
sticks project conveniently for the headband. 1 
Katzel figures a boat- shaped cradle used by Brazilian Indians, with 

Fig. 226. 


From Simon de Sthryver's " Roynume d'Araucanie-Pataionie." 

apparatus for flattening the head, but there is not the slightest inti- 
mation of carrying it. 2 

In all pictures and descriptions of carrying children in Central 
Brazil no cradle is seen whatever. The naked child rides on the 
mother's hip or shoulder and may be clasped in the arms. Or again 
it will be seen astride her neck, precisely as appears in the pictures of 
the Eskimo. 3 

*Wood, "Uncivilized Races," Hartford, n, p. 609, with figure. 
* " Volkerkunde," n, p. 622. 

3 von den Steinen, "Unter den Naturvolkern Zentral-Brasiliens," pi. ix, p. 112; also 
Fletcher and Kidder, " Brazil and the Brazilians," Philadelphia, 1857, p. 472. 

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Cradles and Cradle-Framks in thk U. 8. National Muski'm. 
















































By whom eontribntei 

Cradle with rockers Finland 

Carrier, baby Japan . 

Cradle, toy j Norton Sound, Alaska .. 

. . . .do St. Lawrence River 

Frame, carved and painted St. Regis, N. Y 

Frame, carved and painted do 

Frame, carved and painted, beaded . do 

Cradle, model, probably Sioux , Dakota 

Cradle, probably Sioux do 

Cmdle, Kiowa Indiana Indian Territory . . . 

Cradle, bead work, South Cheyenne. I do 

Cradle, Cheyenne Indians do . 

Cradle, beaded, Cheyenne Indians do . 

Cradle, Arapahoe Indians Oklahoma . 

Cradle, porcupine-quilled, A rap* do . 


Cradle, Wichita Indiana 

Cradle, Comanche Indians 

Skin bed, child's, Comanche 

Frame for cradle, Haida Indians. . . 
Cradle model, Nez Perce Indiana . . 

Cradle, Spokane Indians 

Cradle*, Makali Indians 

Cradle, model 

Cradle, Chinook Indiana 

Cradle board 

Cradle, models 

Cradle, model, twined basketry . . . 
Papoose basket, with shade, 

Hupa Indians. 


Papoose basket, Porno Indians 

Cradle, model 


Basket, papoose, model ' Colorado 

Cradle, Sac and Fox Indian* ' I ml. Territory 

Cradle, baby dressed, Kiowa In- Haworth collection 

Cradle, doll's, beaded do 

Indian Territory 

Queen Charlotte Island . 




Columbia River 


Trinity River, Califor- 
Pitt River, California . . 


Cradle, Sioux 

Cradle, l>eadcd. Crow Indians. 

Cradle, Kiowa Indian* 


Cradle, pa]*oose 

Pine Ridge Agency 

Mon tana 

Indian Territory 


Potter Valley , California 

Shade for cradle Tule Kiver, California . . 

Basket, papoose do 

Board, papoose, Baunock and Sho- j Fort Hall Agency, Idaho 

shone Indians. ; 

Cradle, doll's, Bannock Idaho i 

Cradle, papoose Nevada'. . 

Bod, papoose, Ute Indians ' Colorado. 

Cradle, Ute Indians do ... 

Frame, papoose, Vte Indians do 

Hon. Jna M. Crawford. 
Komyn Hitcbcotk 
E. W. Nelson. 
Dr. F. B. Hough. 
Catlin collection. 

Jaa. Mooney. 
Col.R.J. Doo>,r.xi 
Jaa. Mooney. 
Voth collection. 
Voth collection. 

Jas. Mooney. 
Edward Palmer. 

Catlin collection. 
Dr. E.Storn»r ( r.S.i. 
Mrs. A. C. McBean 
J. G. Swan. 
George Gibbs. 
Dr. Franz Boas. 
Lieut. Wilkes, F. & S 
Mrs. J. O. Doreey 
Stephen Powers. 

Bureau of Ethnology 
L. L. Frost. 
N J. Puroell. 
Stephen Powers. 
Frederick Starr. 
World's Columbian & 

Dr. W.J. Hoffman. 
Jas. Mooney. 

Stephen Powers 


Win. H. Danilson. 

Capt Jna G. **** 

Stephen Powers. 
Maj.J. W.PowelL 



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Cradles and Cradlk-Fkamks in thk U. S. National Museum — Continued. 

























Basket, papoose, McCloud River 

Cradle, papoose, Mokl Indians 

Cradle, Pai Utes 


Cradle, toy, Pai Utes 

Cradles (3), Pai Utes 












Colorado . 

N.E.Arizona. . 
Southern Utah . 



By whom contributed. 

Cradle, Uncompahgre, Ute 

Board, papooe e, model 

Cradle and doll, Moki Indians 

Cradle, Hnpa Indians 

Cradle, toy, Hupa Indians do . . 

— do J Arizona 

Cradle, papoose, Zuni do 

Cradle, toy and doll, Zuni 

Cradle, Mohave Indians 

Cradle, with frame, Pima Indians. 

Cradle, Papago Indians I — 

Cradle, toy, Moki Indians 

Cradle, toy, Zuni Indians 

Cradle, basket-work, with top, 
Moki Indians. 

Cradle, basket-work, without top 

Cradle, Moki Indians 

Cradle, toy, Moki Indians 

Head guard for cradle, Moki In- 

Cradle, toy, Moki Indians 


Cradle, doll's, Zuni Indians 

( 'radle, portion of 

Cradle, Apache Indians 

Frame* for papoose, Apache In- 

Cradle, doll, Apache Indians 


Oraibi, Arizona 

Northern California . . . 

Cradle, Navajo Indians New Moxico . 

Basket, for papoose, Mohave In- California . 

Cradle, Mohave Indians do . 

Cradle, toy, Moki Indians i Northeastern Arizona. 

Cradle, Yaqui Indians Sonora, Mexico 

Cradle, Navajo Indians Fort Wingate, N. Mex . 


Northeastern Arizona. 

New Mexico ... 
Arizona . 

New Mexico. 

Santa Cruz . . 



Cradle, Ynqui Indians ' Sonora, Mexico. 

Livingston Stone. 

MaJ. J. W. Powell. 



New Orleans Exposition, 
from Nevada State Ex- 
Capt. Beckwith. 
Lewis Engel. 
Maj. J. W. Powell. 



F. H. dishing. 
Col. Jas. Stevenson. 
Ceo. A. Allen. 
Mrs. G. Stout. 
Maj.J. W.Powell. 

Col. Jas. Stevenson. 



V. Mindeleff. 
Jas. Mooney. 
Col. Jas. Stevenson. 
P. Schumacher. 
Edward Palmer. 
Dr. J. B. White. 

Capt. Jno. 6. Bourke, 

U. S. A. 
Edward Palmer. 

Maj. J. W. Powell. 
Edward Palmer. 
Dr. R. W. Shufeldt, 

U. S. A. 
Edward Palmer. 

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It was seen in the foregoing discussion that. there are two periods in 
the carrying of children associated with two distinct types of activities: 

1. The period of helpless infancy, calling for bed, swinging or rock- 
ing cradle, and carriage. The inventions associated with this period 
have passed through a wonderful evolution and elaboration, whose 
climax is all modern beds, cradled baby jumpers, walking devices, car- 
riages, and the great array of pediatric apparatus for the deformed. 

2. The second period of infancy is devoted to learning the act of 
walking. About the home the child escapes from its cradle and soon 
finds itself going about. The mother, however, can not always wait 
for its slow locomotion and proceeds to carry it in an extremely primi- 
tive fashion, and allows it to mount her neck or back or hip without the 
aid of intervening devices. 

In the earliest periods of culture or artificiality in living, there were 
no class conditions which demanded that one should be borne upon the 
backs of others by reason of rank. 

The carrying of adults, or riding on human backs, was not in primi- 
tive times a world-wide enjoyment, and was never an industry until 
the climax of the hand epoch was reached. The dead were borne to 

Fig. 227. 

From a figure in thir Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. 

their burial, helpless persons were assisted from the fight, and those 
who held some rank were carried on the backs or shoulders of men. 
But walking was the order of the day prior to the taming of the rein- 
deer, camel, ass, horse, ox, and elephant. The Seminole Indians did 
not double up the corpse for burial, but laid it out straight. A long 
pole was placed above the body and securely tied thereto by bands at 
the neck, the middle, and the feet. Then two or more men lifted the 

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pole and carried the dead to the last resting place (fig. 227). The single 
stick, with a passenger lying or sitting in a hammock beneath, is also 
the simplest form of carriage for the living. The next simplest device 
for bearing the living has for its manual part two poles instead of one. 
The Japanese use one pole, the Chinese and Koreans use two. In the 
Madeira Islands will be seen the single-pole hammock (fig. 228). But 
the double-pole riding chair was almost universal before good roads and 
wheel carriages and illuminated cities. It existed in several parts of 
seraicivilized America. The U. S. National Museum possesses an exam- 
ple from Madagascar. The Caucasian subspecies in all its branches 
were familiar with it, and it was only a century ago, when streets were 
lighted at night sufficiently for carriages, that sedan chairs of most 
costly patterns went out of vogue. 

The basterna was a kind of litter with two poles or shafts, in which 
women were carried in the time of the Roman emperors. It resembled 

Fig. 228. - 


From a photograph in the U. S. National Museum. 

the lectica, or common litter, and the sedan chair, only the latter was 
carried by slaves while the basterna was supported by two mules, 1 the 
shafts running through stirrups on the saddle of each. 

The ordinary bier is carried, not on the shoulders, but about a foot 
from the ground, by handles, but among the Maronites and other Syrian 
Christians, according to Tristram, the bier is borne aloft on the 
upstretched and reversed palms of a crowd of bearers, who rapidly 
relieve one another in quick succession. 2 The same method has been 
mentioued in the carrying of the throne chair of a Persian king aloft 
on the palms of bearers. 3 

The body of an Egyptian, when prepared for interment, says Lane, 

1 Smith, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, s. v. Basterna, with woodcut. 
3 Tristram, "Eastern Customs in Bible Lands," London, 1894, p. 98. 
3 Montfaucon, L'Autiquite explique*e, Paris, 1722, II, p. 183. 

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is placed in the bier, which is usually covered over with a red or other 
cashmere shawl. Three or four friends of the deceased usually carry it 
for a short distance; then three or four other friends bear it a little 
farther, and then these are in like manner relieved. 

The biers used for the conveyance of the corpses of females and 
boys are dift'ereut from those of men. They are furnished with a cover 
of wood, over which a shawl is spread, as over the bier of a man, and 
at the head is an upright piece of wood, called a sh&hid. The shiihid 
is covered with a shawl, and to the upper part of it, when the bier is 
used to convey the body of a female of the middle or higher class, 
several ornaments of female headdress are attached. On the top, 
which is flat and circular, is often placed a ckoor's (the round ornament 
of gold or silver set with diamonds, or of embossed gold, which is worn 
on the crown of the headdress) ; to the back is suspended the sura (or 
a number of braids of black silk with gold ornaments along each, 
which are worn by the ladies, in addition to their plaits of hair, hang- 
ing down the back). The bier of a boy is distinguished by a turban, 
generally formed of a red cashmere shawl wound round the top of the 
shiihid, which, in the case of a young boy, is also often decorated with 
the ckoor's and suf a. The corpse of a very young child is carried to 
the tomb in the arms of a man, and merely covered with a shawl, or in 
a very small bier borne on a man's head. 1 

In ancient Egyptian burial and religious scenes nothing is more com- 
mon than the same piece of furniture. But it is not certain that the 
function of bearing the dead thus is older than that of bearing the liv- 
ing, especially royal and sacred persons. Assyrian pictures are quite 
as full of living scenes in which men and women are thus borne. * 

Example No. 160156 in the U. S. National Museum (fig. 229) is 
a Chinese carrying chair containing a great many separate inven- 
tions worthy of special notice. It is made of bamboo throughout, 
and almost without the use of pegs or lashings. For the legs and 
side bars of the seat two stout bamboos are chamfered out at the 
points where the tops of the legs should be, these gashes being as 
far apart as the width of the seat. The legs are bent down at right 
angles, inclosing in the chamfered part two other bamboos which 
form the front and the back bar of the seat. A few inches above the 
floor a bamboo is fitted snugly about the legs by the same chamfering 
and bending. The arm post and stirrups for the carrying bar on each 
side are chamfered and bent still more curiously. One piece serves as 
an additional side bar, as an arm post, and is then chamfered and 
bent down over the carrying bars. The seat above the lower encircling 
bamboo is boxed in with bamboo splints. The back is quite equal in 
motif to the Austrian bent- wood chair; the chamfering and bending, 
and lashing with split bamboo and inserting, when all other resources 

>Lant*, " Modern Egyptians," London, 1846, i, pp. 288, 297. 
*Cf. Erman, " Life in Ancient Egypt," p. 65. 

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fail, together constitute a combination which is about as far as the 
inventor could go with his materials and his tools. 

The awning frame is of smaller canes bowed at the top and so con- 
structed that the vertical rods will fit snugly on the carrying bars. 

The adjustable foot rest is a luxury built on in the same fashion 
as the other parts are made, getting the best strength and results with 
ttie least material. The carrying bars are movable, and when stood up 
in the corner they leave the passenger in his easy chair. 

Fig. 229. 

Cat. No. 160156, U. S. N. M. Gift of the Chinese Centennial Commission, 1876. 

As in other arts, so in that represented by the litter, the Japanese 
have reached the acme of the hand epoch in carrying. It would take 
the student too far away from primitive methods to discuss all the 
varieties of apparatus in Japan by means of which individuals are 
borne about. In brief, there are two types, the hammock beneath a pole 
and the true litter inclosed. The two words " kago " and u norimono" are 
supposed to set forth these two, but Mr. Kota Nakahara, of the Japanese 
legation in Washington, says that "there is not very much difference 
between the words kago and norimono. We call norimono almost 

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Fig. 230. 


From a figure in C«rlca' " Life ia Korea." 

every kind of kagos and jinriki and carriages which would transport us 
from place to place, and call kago only the kiud of kago proper, which 
resemblcH the litter. It is thought both kago and norimono are what 
we call kago. Of course, there is a special name for each different kago, 
and those names are va- 
ried according to the 
localities. The word 
norimono is the name for 
the gen us and kago is 
for the species." 

The Korean, according 
to Carles, uses a rude 
form of chair for trav- 
elers not differing from 
the Chinese and Japa- 
nese types. The officials 
are borne in a small open 
chair, without legs, fas- 
tened on the top of a pair 
of carrying poles united 
by cross bars, like a bier 
without legs. Four men, 
tandem, walk between these poles, two in front and two behind, and 
hold up the great man by means of a short pole to each pair of bearers. 
A fifth person walks at the side to steady the carriage (fig. 231). 
The carrying of persons was known among the Muskhogean tribes in 

the Southern States of 
the Union. The gen- 
tleman of Blvas de- 
scribes the ladie of 
Cutifachiqui as com- 
ing out of the town 
in a chair whereon cer- 
tain of the principal 
Indians brought her 
to the river. The pre- 
cise form of the chair 
is not given, to enable 
us to decide whether 
it was a hammock or 
swinging bed or a 
litter borne by four. 1 
The pottery and tapestries of Peru show persons of distinction borne 
by two, not in a chair slung between the poles, but in a chair or on a 

Fig. 231. 


From a figure in Carle*' " Life in Korea." 

w *The Discovery and Conquest of Terra Florida/' 
Society, 1851, pp. 56", 67, 166. 

Publications of the Hakluyt 

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platform quite above the poles. 1 Such a feat is impossible, and the 

omission of the other two indispensable carriers or a second pole must 

be due to ignorance of 

perspective. (Fig. 232.) 

In this connection Batzel 

figures a curious little 

image from Colombia (fig. 

233), in which the head- 
band is used in carrying 

a man. 

"In this little town of 

the New World," (Santa 

Catharina, Brazil), says 

Langsdorff, "a sort of 

sedan chair is used, 

called cadeirinha8, in 

which the rich are drawn 

in state by their negro 

slaves. They are not like 

our sedan chairs, closed 

up with doors and glass 

windows, but rather re- __f ig,23 ?'_ 

semble an easy chair with 

a high back. They have a 

canopy," etc. 2 (Fig. 234.) 
The bier, the sedan, and the litter become historically the travois for 

dog and horse, and after that the cart and the carriage. In one or two 

places in the world the carrying 
of men and women on human 
backs survives. This is especially 
true in mountains where there are 
no beasts to ride and two or more 
can not work together. In such 
places there is naught to do but 
for the tough and profession- 
al carrier to take his passenger 
upon his back, and this indeed he 

In the Brockhaus Atlas of Eth- 
nography (pi. 10) will be seen a 
Fig. 233. Dyak carrying chair, very inter- 

chibcha clay figure fbom Colombia, sHowiNQ e sting in this connection. The 


Dyaks are in the habit of carrying 


One-third size. 

From a figure in Wiener's " Pe"rou et Bolivie." 

From a figure in Battel's ' VBlkerkunde. ' 

1 Wiener, "Perou et Bolivie," pp.609, 639; also Reiss and Stnbel, "Necropolis of 
Ancon," pt. vu, and "Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie," Berlin, 1895, xxvn, p. 307. 
9 Langsdorff, " Voyages and Travels," London, 1813, I, p. 47. 

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loads ou the back in frames hung from the forehead by a strap, precisely 
after the American Indian fashion. Now the carrying chair is borne in 
the same way. It is a low seat, whose hind legs extend 3 feet, more or 
less, above the seat. The front legs are inclined backward and are 

Fig. 234. 


From a fi«nr? in IjiD«»t]<»rff '• ' Voyaftr* and Travel*. " 

extended upward till their ends meet those of the hind legs, where they 
are securely fastened together. The tamenen, or porters, at Timbala, in 
Yucatan, carry a full-sized man on their backs iu a chair or frame 
specially designed for that puqiose. 1 



After inspecting the primitive man as the traveler in connection 
with his innumerable inventions, and also as a carrier, the study would 
not be complete without giving attention to man as a traction force. 

It will be seen in 
a subsequent study 
on primitive domes- 
tication that the ani- 
mal comes in merely 
to transfer the load 
from man's back to 
its own. The haul- 
ing of loads is in the 
same line. Before 
there were traction 
beasts there were 
traction men, and in our own day one can not go amiss for men and 
boys and women harnessed to objects dragged on the ground, on the 
snow, or along the water, or to sleds and wheeled vehicles. In order to 
perform this duty well there is need of harness for men (figs. 235 and 

Cat. No. :«J025. U. S. N. M. Collecird ».y E. W. NHson. 


1 Desire Charuay, "Les Anciennes Villes," Paris, 1885, p. 433, with figure. 

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Group of Assyrian Workmen Hauling a Winged Bull. 

Only man power is involved, using the sled, the cart, cooperative traction, the 
roller, and the lever. 

The following features mxist l>e noted: 

( 1 ) A low sled, or drag, with runners of heavy timbers, extra thickat the liottoiii, 
or shod. 

(2) A rack or framework about eight feet high to steady the image. The 
uprights pierce the crossbars of the sled and are crossed by horizontal lieams 
joining their tops or middles. 

(3) Guy ropes and forked props attached to, and placed against, the top and 
middle rails, respectively, to steady the image on the sled. These are held at their 
lower ends by two men each, fourt* en in all. 

(4) Long drag ropes, foxir in number and double, fastened through eyelets in 
front and back of the rxinner. with men attached to them by means of bricoles. 
These men are evidently dragging the sled. 

Those who saw the southern rivers l>efore the civil war will remember that the 
slaves hauled ashore the heavy seines in precisely the same manner. It will be 
remembered also that in Holland the small boats are drawn up an incline from 
one canal to another by ropes attached to the stern and wound over a windlass. 
As soon as the center (if gravity passes the summit of the causeway, the stern 
ropes are relaxed. 

(5) Power is multiplied by the use of the lever and the roller in combination. 
Comparing this with another Kxvyunjik inscription, it will be seen that a fulcrum 
is put beneath the lever near the sled, and that the men pry up that part by means 
of ropes over the long arm. This may be used as a walking lever to keep up con- 
tinuous motion, or for the pxirpose of setting the roller under the sled and giving 
it a start. One may see nowadays two men nioviug a heavy locomotive along a 
track by steel crowbars worked between the track and the driving wheel. 

It will be remembered that all the megalithic monuments of the world were 
erected in the hand epoch. No great teams of beasts are shown on the monu- 
ments, and no capstans with sweeps worked by animals. It was the weakness of 
the human body that necessitated cooperation,— strong ropes, lubricants, rollers, 
inclined planes, levers, wheels, etc., and these in txirn provoked the highest 
expression of their capacity. ( La yard, •• Babylon and Nineveh," New York, 1853, 
Chapter v: also Rawlinson, * A Herodotus," New York, 1*72, frontispiece.) 

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Report of National Museum, 1894. Mason. PLATE 25 

3 C 

OQ 3 

Q <~ 



Z 3 

z - 

i i 

< 2 

1 .5 
z * 















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Digitized by VjOOQIC 


236), which, by and by, will become harness for dogs, reindeer, camels, 
yak and cattle, goats, elephants, horses, and mules, and the varied occu- 
pations thus engendered will have a splendid efflorescence in art and 

The simplest harness for men is, in military phrase, the bricole, which 
is a loop to go over the head and a piece of loose rope or line extending 
therefrom constituting the single trace. The reindeer in Lapland now 
wear it, and so do men innumerable on the canals and at the fishing 
shores. In the old days of long seines the haulers could be seen 
wearing the bricole, now pressing with 
the breast, now with one shoulder, now 
with the other, now backing, with the 
loop athwart the neck or the shoulders 
so as to watch their work. There did not 
seem to be a contortion of the human 
body that could not usefully employ the 
bricole in traction. It was collar, breast 
strap, and breeching all in one. At the 
end of the loose rope or trace was a 
Turk's head knot, by means of which by 
a single overlap the seine hauler could 
hitch and unhitch himself from the cork 
line. The Eskimo have invented a vari- 
ety of toggles, frogs, and buttons to facil- 
itate attaching and detaching the hauler 
from his load, to be illustrated further ou. 

The number of locomotives in the world 
is 105,000, aggregating 3,000,000 horse- 
power, or 125,000,000 of menpower. The 
writer does not know the amount of horse- 
power in navigation, but it is very great. 
There are not over 200,000,000 able- Fig.m 

bodied persons in the world, so the steam «usi breast-bands used in hauling. 
traction power and the power of human r * f N 7,w * lt s N M ; o ™«- l «"" •"»-*-»• 
backs are about equal. But while steam 
traction is the climax of the industry human traction is not superseded. 

The first mechanical means of transport by land was doubtless the 
sled. It was employed by the Egyptians in the transfer of large 
masses of stone. 1 In one sculpture a statue drawn by 172 men is 
shown. There are oil men, bosses, and relays. In Assyria, also, the 
sled was used to haul heavy loads by means of a great multitude of 
men (pi. 25). Tuere is uo better example to be found of the two princi- 
ples often mentioned in this paper — first, that it is the manual part of a 
device that is greatly modified by inventiou, and second, that the history 
of the past has been chiefly the evolution and glorification of the hand 

■Lepniiia, " Dcnkiit.'iler," u, p. 134; Ermaii, 4< Lifo in Aucient Egypt," p. 477. 
II . Mis. 90, pt. 2 35 

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or of the power of man. The industry of these two great nations was 
all anthropotechnic. Among the Eskimo there is no plainer looking 
sled than the ones shown by Wilkinson and Layard for moving the 
ancient gods; but there is an immense variety of activity going on to 
move the sled — concerted action, relaying, carrying, prying, and com- 
manding. There is also a goodly and sufficient array of apparatus, 
ratcheted tracks, strong ropes, oil, levers, and shore poles to decrease 
friction and to increase power at the expense of time. 

In the U. S. National Museum the sleds are associated with primitive 
life and with snow. But in many places in the United States and else- 
where sleds are employed to run over fallen grass and on the very steep 
hillsides by the backwoods farmers and lumbermen. As these harvest- 
ers of nature take all from the soil and restore nothing, their hauling 

is downhill and they have 
no difficulty in getting their 
forest product and their 
crops to the highway. 
Wagons would be out of 
the question unless the 
wheels were extremely low. 
The island of Madeira is 
quite famous in this regard, 
where sledding becomes a 
pastime (fig. 237). 

It must not be forgotten 
that in all countries where 
snow lies on the ground 
long enough to become 
packed, hauling and travel 
Fig. 237. ing over the snow are the 

passenoeu sled from madeira. easiest and swiftest. As 

From apli(itrigrtii>hinth<- V. S. National Mucffiij. „ j.1 • a • n 

far south in America as the 
New England and the Northwestern States hauling is preferably done 
in winter on sleds, largely with oxen. The frosts render the roads im- 
passable iu spring, and the common country road is disagreeable most 
of the year. It is also a season in which other work is dull. When one 
reads such works as Bush's Keindeer, Dog, and Snowshoes, it is pleas- 
ant to reflect on the little difference in this regard between many of the 
methods of cultivated New England and savage Siberia. 

Thecharacteristics of the best sled have to be studied out for each area. 
First and fundamentally, in sled-using lands sled -making material of 
the best quality is not always forthcoming. Men have to use what 
they can get — whale's jawbone in one place, driftwood in another, and 
poor standing wood in a third. Not discouraged in this, the fertile 
genius discovers and develops the qualities and versatility of rawhide, 
of braces, of splints, of form, of harness, of administration. No doubt a 

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great many conferences and much cudgeling of the head have taken 
place. Captain John Spicer, who spent eleven winters among the 
Eskimo, tells of an inventional contest and debate between two sled 
builders in Cumberland Sound. The old-fashioned sleds have narrow 
runners, but one builder declared that broader runners would do better. 
To prove his assertion he made two sleds, loaded them exactly alike, 

Fig. 238. 

Cat. No. 14S00, U. S. N. M. (J. ft ..f th* Iniver^.ty of ChnatiaouL 

fastened each one to the end of a spar, hitched a line to the middle of 
the spar and pulled. The sled with brond tread moved first aud easiest 
every time. 

To make the sled runners broad and smooth, the wood and shoes are, 
by most peoples of Asia and America, treated to a coat of blood and 
water, and in one place of salt. This preparation is said to stick faster 
than merely frozen water ; but almost universally the hyperborean 

Fig. 239. 


teamsters go provided with the means of coating the bottom of the sled 
runners with a pellicle of ice, just as the drivers used to provide the 
tar bucket in days of wagoning. 

The Norwegian sled is 10 feet long, 1 foot 6 inches wide, and 6 inclies 
high- It is made of ash wood, and all the parts are tirmly lashed together 
with rawhide. The runners are nothing else than a pair of skees, and 
are superior to the flat toboggan. 1 

Example No. 14800 in the U. S. National Museum (figs. 238, 239) is 

1 F. G. Juckgon, "The Great Frozen Land," London, 1895, p. 132. 

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called a pulk or Lapland sled. As will be seen from the drawing, it 
is built up like a boat on a keel, above which rise on either side strake* 
of plank, wide at the rear and tapering to a point in front, where they 
disappear in the widened end of the keel. The whole is fasteued 
together with treenails passing through stout wooden bows, the ends 
of which overlap at the widest part. Tlte rear end is set in like the 
head of a barrel. The affair is decked over with movable sliding plauks, 
so that it may instantly be adapted to freight or passengers. 

The specimen here represented is the gift of the University of 
Christiania, and has with it a reindeer properly harnessed and the 
driver in costume sitting in the hold. At a glance he reminds one of an 
Eskimo sitting in a kaiak from which the stern has been sawed off. 

As an element in the congeries of sled inventions, it is a compromise 
between the sled and the boat. The substitution of one runner for 
two, the rounding of the strakes on the outside to furnish a keel effect, 
however the vehicle might lean, especially the inclosed and comfortable 
passenger, all suggest settled life, short journeys, beaten roads, and 
social comforts. 

The harness and the reindeer will be discussed in another paper. 
It is a very interesting fact that Nansen, in studying perfect economy 
in regard to his boat for landing in east Greenland, came upou the 
problem of the pulk or sled with a hull and runners in one. 

The Samoyed sled is about 9 feet long and 30 inches wide, of pine, 
with large, thick runners curved up at the front 2 feet. On each side 
are four uprights, close together toward the rear and sloping inward. 
These are united by crossbars, which act as sills of the floor. Side 
frame pieces (called bereznias) extend from the top of the bend of the 
runners to the rear end of the sled. Baggage is heaped on the cross 
sills, and the driver sits thereon or upon a seat in front of it. The 
woman's sled is larger, and long strips of rawhide painted red hang 
from the bereznias. 1 

The Samoyed drives from two to five reindeer abreast. Each one is 
harnessed to the sleil by running traces of seal hide attached by chulkl, 
of which there is one at each side. The chulki is a tackle block or dumb 
sheave of ivory or wood through which the trace runs from the near 
to the off side reindeer. Jackson figures four of them, and they may 
bo compared with similar objects on Eskimo harness. But the Sainoyed 
man, like the German woman with her dog team, does a good part of 
the work himself, and before the days of the tame reindeer he did it all. 

Towing or tracking along the canals and on the rivers of China is 
done universally by men. Each coolie engaged wears over one shoulder 
and under the opposite arm a bricole or harness of bamboo, previously 
explained (page 545). From this becket or loop a piece of rope extends 
to the main line by which the load is hauled, after the same fashion as 
the negro seine haulers in Virginia fifty years ago. 

1 F. (i. Jackson, "The Great Frozeii Land," Loudon, 1895, pp. 115, 118, figure. 

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Of the sleds abont Berezovsk, in northeast Russia, it is said that those 
used for a long voyage have the form of a box, the interior being fitted 
with beds of feathers and furs. The little air openings are closed by 
broad curtains. The passenger lies down. 1 This form will bo seen in 
every part of Siberia where tbe Russians have established themselves 
and their postal methods as far east as Kamchatka. The pavoshka 
is also suggestive of the inclosed toboggan of central and northern 

Sebrenck figures the Amur sled, and it will be seen that its form is 
quite the universal pattern. It may be seen in possession of children 
in civilized lands wherever there is snow. Its parts are, the runners, 
gently sloping upward; the posts, mortised into the runners; the cross- 
bars, set into the 
posts and held by 
lashing or pins; the 
top rail, into which 
are mortised the 
posts. The rail is Fig.240. 

securely fastened to BUILTUP 8LED - 

_ . „ From n (i|ure in Schreock's " Rei«fn nn«! Fur*chun|«*D 1111 Amur-Liinde. " 

the runner in front. 

Omitting tenons and mortises, the framework is fundamental. (Fig. 

240. ) 2 

The uarta, or sled, of the Tungus is from 8 to 10 feet long, 2 feet 
wide, and the floor is 1 foot above the snow. Above this a few inches 
is a light railing, on each side which keeps the load in place. The run- 
ners are of white birch, about 4 inches wide, flat-bottomed, and the parts 
are lashed together with rawhide thong. In front of each sled is a 
stout bow to which the long seal thong or trace is attached. 

The Korak about Yamsk, on Okhotsk Sea, when the rough snow 
becomes destructive of sled runners, to protect them as well as to 
improve the running, every two or three hours turn the narta or sled 
over and with a piece of deerskin saturated with water, moisten the 
shoes and in a few minutes they are incased in ice. A bottle of water 
is carried by the driver beneath his furs uext his body. 3 

Example No. 73018 in the U. S. National Museum (fig. 241) is a model 
of a Kamchatkan sled, consisting of the following parts: Runners, 
uprights, sills, bed or bottom rails, traction bow, and netting with its 
upper rail. 

The runuers are enlarged examples of the Lapland and Eastern skeo 
turned up in front to the level of the bed or seat. 

The posts perforin the following functions: At the lower end they 
are inserted for a short distance into the upper margin of the runner 
by a shallow tenon and mortise. Each one is perforated above this 
point and a sinew cord is rove through these perforations, and holes 

1 Eve Felinska, " Le Tour du Monde," Paris, 1862, v, p. 236. 
9 " Reisen und Forschungen im Ainur-Lande," iv, p. 492. 
3 Bash, " Reindeer, Dogs, and Snowshoes," p. 322. 

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bored through the runners diagonally in pairs so that the sinew eoTd 
on its lower loops is countersunk beneath the runners to prevent abra^ 
sion. Each upright is bored through its middle and the end of a sill 
fits exactly into the bore or auger hole. Above this point the upright 
extends far enough to receive the top rail. 

The bed or seat of the sled is a long thin plank resting on the sills, 
and extending as far front as the flat portion of the runners. 

The rail is a cylindrical rod or pole passing a short distance above 
and eutirely around the sled, let into the tops of the upright pieces, and 
a network of sinew cord is laced through holes on the edge of the bed 
piece and around the rails by a series of half hitches. The front of the 
bed is let into a stout piece of wood securely lashed to the traction 
piece, which is in the form of an oxbow, securely fastened in turn to 
the front of the runners, reaching back a short distance from the front 
to the bed and attached to the front pair of uprights by a cable extend 
ing from the end of the bow to a notch on the back of the upright 

Fig. 241. 



Cat No. 7301K, f. S. N. M. C«.llect*d by Dr. I.eonhnrd Stejneter. 

Across the top of the bed from upright to upright there is a cable of 
sinew cords held together by a iigure of eight seizing, common among 
the Eskimo in many of their harpoon lines. 

Above the rail at the first pair of uprights is another bow like the 
traction piece in front, which the rider is said to hold firmly in going 
over precipitous or difficult places. Length, 21 inches. Collected by 
Dr. Leonhard Stejneger. Fridtjof Nansen speaks of a low hand sled, 
skikjaelke, on broad runners, resembling ordinary skees. 1 

Captain Cook says of the Kamchatkan passenger sled, that the length 
of the body is about 4i feet and the breadth 1 foot. It is made in the 
form of a crescent, of light, tough wood, fastened together with wicker 
work, and among the principal people is stained with red and blue, the 
seat being covered with furs or bearskins. It has four legs, about 2 feet 
in height, resting on two long, flat pieces of wood of the breadth of 3 

1 "First Crossing of Greenland, " London, 1890, I, p. 33. Compare figure in "Zeit- 
schrift fur Volkskunde," Berlin, 1891, p. 430, and Senate Ex. Doo. No. 92, Fifty-third 
Congress, third session. 

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or 6 inches extending a foot beyond the body of the sled at each end. 
These turn up before somewhat like a skate, and are shod with the bone 
of some animal. The carriage is ornamented at the forepart with tas- 
sels of colored cloth and leather thongs. It has a crossbar, to which 
the harness is joined, and links of iron or small bells are hanging to 
it, which, by the jingling, are supposed to encourage the dogs. 1 

The riding sled of Kamchatka is a happy combination of a small 
hooded body on a pair of skees or Norwegian snowshoes for runners. 
There is one in the U. S. National Museum (Cat. No. 2811), all the parts 
fastened together with rawhide of different colors. The hood is a piece 
of brown leather, slashed and drawn through with particolored leather 
thongs so as to resemble weaving. The writer has seen the same imi- 
tation of weaving on Eskimo boxes and bags and on a box in Zuiii, 
New Mexico. 

Langsdorff makes the important statement that the sleds of Kam- 
chatka are of uniform width, so that when the track is once made all 
will run in the same lines. A good sled weighs about 20 pounds. 
There are two varieties, as shown above, the riding sled and the freight 
sled. The runners are a trifle farther apart in front. The driver always 
sits sideways, ready to spring out at any moment. The freight sleds, 
nardeus, resemble a long bench, with- a guard on each side set upon 
short feet. The runners are the same width apart as in the riding sled. 
Belonging to the sled is the oerstel, a strong stick, slightly angular, 
with a spud of iron at one end and thongs of leather at the other, into 
which iron rings are plaited for a rattle. If the driver wants to increase 
speed he rattles the oerstel, to stop the sled or to slow up he sticks 
the iron spike into the snow in front of one of the crosspieces. The 
oerstel also serves as a lever in upholding and righting the vehicle. In 
short, this implement is lever, brake, whip, and voice to the driver. 2 

The Chukchi sled runner is a long pole, cut away in the middle 
and bent until the two ends almost meet. In this stage of the manu- 
facture either part would serve for top rail or runner. 

Nordenskiold figures the essential parts of another style of Chukchi 
sled as follows: 

1. Framework of curved u knees," four pairs. 

2. Runners below and body rails above, framed to these knees. 

3. A long, thin hoop passing on top of the body sill halfway and 
under the bottom of the runner all the way. The floor is of slats. 
These are for riding. The pack sleds are of stronger wood, with 
runners not bent back. Some of the light ones had a body of splints 
covered more or less with reindeer hide. 3 

The sled and its outfit occurs as a motive in the art of both Chukchi 
and the Eskimo. Over and over again on the drill handles and pipes 

'Cook, " A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, 1776-1780, " in, p. 374. 
2 Laiigsdorft', " Voyages and Travels," London, 1814, in, p. 288. 
s Nordenskiold, •« Voyage of the Vega," New York, 1882, p. 375, with figures. 

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teains of dogs are moving along with or without load. The Chukchi 
adds the reindeer team and shows the driver shaking the oerstel. 1 
Hooper, speaking of the Chukchi, says: 

The Tuski traveling sled — for there are two other kinds — is constructed princi- 
pally for speed, being exceedingly light and of elegant form. Six or nine arches of 
wood, let into flat runners, support a seat about 5 feet long and 14 inches broad, 
connected at the head with the runners by their springy curves. A sort of basket is 
formed at the back of the sled, and broad strips of whnlebone are secured under 
the wooden runners. Braces and uprights further bind the parts together, and all 
are fastened with whalebone. * * * A single thong of seal hide from the under 
part of the seat serves to attach the dogs, which vary in number from two to ten; 
as far as eight they all run abreast, the sjngle traces of the harness radiating from 
the main thong, to which they are secured by loops of ivory. 

Hooper describes the dogs in full. 2 

Among the Eskimo in this last century, partly their own invention 
and partly introduced from the eastern continent, were to be found 
several classes of sleds. These, of course, are in addition to the make 
shifts soon to be mentioned. 

1. The bed on solid runners, the sled par excellence, repeated in the 
toy sled and in the common peasant examples. These are common 
further east and in hand work. 

2. The bed on pairs of bent sticks or knees spliced together or arched. 
which serve for both posts and sills. 

3. The bed resting on a square, mortised framework, and frequently 
made with great care. 

4. The bed flat on the ground, the toboggan, or the common stone 

Nansen figures an ideal sled, with broad runners, curved at both ends, 
having a yoke for draft and bow behind, which should be compared 
with the Asiatic styles. 3 

To attach himself to his sled and to his load, the Eskimo uses his 
hand and a very simple harness or toggle now to be described. 

Example No. 43717 in the U. S. National Museum (fig. 242 a, b) is a 
pretty toggle from Gape Prince of Wales, cut in imitation of a seal. 
The lines of feather ornament on the back and the prettily carved 
bands about the wrists are noticeable. The latter is in imitation of the 
embroidery around the tops of boots, with the fluffy band of Arctic 
fox fur. The holes are concealed on the underside, bored diagonally, 
so as to meet in the object and not appear above. The Eskimo *re 
adepts at this "blind stitching" method. 

Example No. 43718 in the U. 8. National Museum (fig. 242 c), of walrus 
ivory, is a button for many uses, carved to represent the head of a fish. 
On the end and on the underside holes have been bored at right 
angles, meeting to form a continuous cavity. The stnations and the 

1 Figured by Nordenskiold, " Voyage of the Vega," New York, 1882, p. 498. 

-"Tents of the Tuski," London, 1853, p. 42. 

3 "First Crossing of Greenland," Loudon, 18iH), l, p. 34. 

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point work of the drill are neatly shown, as well as the use of the hie 
or knife, to convert a conical hole into a cylindrical one. 

Example No. 38551 in the U. S. National Museum (fig. 242 d) is an 
ivory hook with the eyelet in the plane of the hook. In this example 
the whip splice common among the Eskimo is shown. Where a knot 
in a greasy line that can not slip or jam is needed, this is, of course, 
the best. In some examples the splicing is continuous. 

Example No. 37991 in the U. S. National Museum (fig. 242 e) is a good 
specimen of the Eskimo hook 
attaehment carved from walrus 
ivory. The eye is bored trans- 
versely to the plane of the hook 
One or more of these forms 
would be employed effectively 
by the Eskimo in lieu of tackle. 
The ivory is so smooth and the 
rawhide lines so saturated with 
grease that there" is very little 

Example No. 44155 in the 
U. S. National Museum (fig. 
242/) is from Cape Darby, 
Alaska. The toggle repre- 
sents a swimming seal. The 
holes are mortised across the 
line of the body. The ends are 
tied in a true lover's knot, and 
then the whole joint, as well as 
the parallel part of the line, are 
beautifully served with raw- 
hide string. 

Example No. 33673 in the 
U. S. National Museum is a 
drag or harness for a man, to 
attach him to any load he may 
have to draw. It is held in 
the hand, the line passing be- 
tween the middle and the ring 

The toggle is a bit of walrus ivory, cut with pointed flutes. The 
two holes for the strap are joined outside by a double countersink. The 
two ends of the strap are united and the projecting extremities wrapped 
down with fine rawhide line. No. 3S558 (fig. 242 g)< from the Yukon 
district, is a plain example of the same construction, and there are 
many more in the collections. 

Example No. 38552 in the V. S. National Museum (lig. 24'i //) is the 
toggle of a drag from the Aleutian Islands, made of walrus ivory, in 



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imitation of a fox or wolf doubled up. The line bole is bored trans 
versely. This object has seen much use, as the line has worn a deep 
furrow in the ivory. No. 03819 is a precisely similar object from Point 
Hope, in form of a seal. 

Example No. 43848 in the U. S. National Museum (fig. 242 t) is a toggle 
from Uualakleet, on the east shore of Norton Sound, representing a seal 
floating on its back. This specimen was designed for hard work. Two 
holes are mortised diagonally from the sides into the stomach. This 
was done after the iranner of the ancient carpenter, by boring holes at 
the ends of the mortise and cutting away the intermediate material. 

Example No. 4535G in the U. S. National Museum is a stop or toggle 
on a loop or becket not here shown. The toggle or stop represents a 
number of seals' heads. The object is perforated once longitudinally 
and twice transversely. With lines through the latter it would become 
a toggle. In its present form it is a stop for a running noose or ivory 

Fig. 243. 

St. Lawrence Inland, Alaska. 

Cat. No. 63587, t\ .«. N. M. <.>!!.•, t-.l ly K. W. NH«nti 

eyelet of some kind. The rawhide line has its ends fastened together 
in the usual way, but the longer bend is served with rawhide string by a 
series of half hitches put on alternately by right and left turns, forming 
a series of double loops. The effect is as pretty as the method is simple. 

Concerning these traction hooks and toggles, it may be said that the 
beautifully carved specimens of which those 'described are types, and 
of which there are hundreds in the U. S. National Museum, are all 
modern and effected with metal tools obtained from Europe and Asia. 

Example No. 63587 in the U. S. National Museum (tig. 243), is a short 
sled from St. Lawrence Island. The runners are two strips from enor- J 
mous walrus tusks, thin below and winged or margined above. Each 
one of these runners is pierced in nine. places. At the front elliptical 
holes are cut for the attachment of the harness. Three pairs of holes 
are bored front, middle, and back for the lashing of the crosspieces, and 

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one bole is bored in the rear for rawhide loops or beckets. The ninth 
hole is bored just in front of the middle bar for additional beckets useful 
in lashing the load to the sled. These beckets are made of rawhide, one 
end slit, the other fastened through the slit by a weaver's knot. The 
three crossbars are made of driftwood, roughly cylindrical, somewhat 
flattened beneath to fit on the widened surface of the runner, and hav- 
ing two parallel notches cut almost around the upper part just above 
the runner. The crossbar is fastened to the runner by a lashing of 
rawhide which passes agaiu and again through the runner over the end 
of the crossbar, back through the runner and over the other parallel 
notch of the crossbar, this process being repeated several times and 
fastened by simply tucking under. In the middle crossbars the end is 

Fig. 244. 

Cm. No. 45335, V. S. S. M. Collected by E. >V. Nel«on. 

fastened by a cross seizing, because the outside notch has been some- 
what worn away. Sueh a vehicle takes the place of the wheelbarrow 
or common hand cart, and is used by man or dog traction in bringing 
in game short distances, and could never be utilized for long journeys. 
Example 15597, from Poonook, is double. Length of sled, 14 inches; 
length of crossbars, 15 inches. Collected by E. W. Nelson. 

Example No. 45335 in the U. S. National Museum (fig. 244) is the 
model of a sled, consisting of runners, three pairs of knees, bed, uprights, 
and rails, from Norton Bay, Alaska. The runners are stout bits of 
wood turned up in front to the level oi the bed. The knees are inserted 
or mortised into the upper margin of the runners in a crude way and 
fastened by pegs. The horizontal portions of the knees have been 

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hoveled .so as to splice neatly and appear as a single piece extending from 
runner to runner. These are fastened together by lashings of rawhide 

The uprights are slender posts mortised into the runners and fastened 
by pegs just baek of the point of insertion for the knees. The top mil* 
lit into notches at the upper ends of these, and are held down by lasa 
ings. The bed or seat of the sled consists of four parallel slate or strips 
of wood extending from the rear to the front of the runners. Athwart 
these slats, above the two middle ones and beneath the two outside ones. 
are twenty-four cross slats fastened to the strips by a continuous sewing 
of sinew cord, which passes through perforations m the slats and cross- 
pieces all the way, excepting that underneath the outer slats the ends of 
the cross pieces lit in a sling and are not perforated. These two pieces 
are attached to a stout block of wood, winch, wifh the ends of the run 
ners and the front of the floor or bed pieces, are joined by a firm lashing 
of rawhide. Length, log inches. Locality, Norton Bay. Collected 
by K. W. Nelson. 

Example No. 30771 in the IT. 8. National Museum is a sled model 
from Norton Sound, consisting of the folio wiug parts: Runners, knees, 
posts, floor, and top rails. The runners, like a series from this aud 
neighboring regions, consist of two stout pieces of wood turned up with 
quite a sharp curve in front. The knees are three pieces of wooden 
each side, in the shape of a quadrate or ship's knee, mortised into the 
top of the runner and held in place by a treenail. These knees are 
chamfered and spliced neatly, so that the load of the sled rests upon 
three semicircular arches. There are also three posts mortised into the 
top of the runners back of the knees, and extending upward to hold a 
railing on the side. On the top of these posts a hand rail is fitted into 
shallow notches, and held in place by a lashing of rawhide passing 
over the rail and down through a perforation near the top of the post. 
This is a common form of joint among the Eskimo. The floor of the 
sled rests on two sills. Across these there are fourteen slats running 
at right angles to the sills, and over the ends of the slats and against 
the upright posts are two long strips of wood holding the slats in place. 
In front of the floor and against the runners is a stout piece of wood, 
to which the team is attached. The sills of the floor are fastened to 
this stout piece of wood by rawhide thongs running through holes 
bored in the crosspiece and in the sills; but the strips or cleats on top 
of the slats are mortised into this. stout piece of wood. The posts and 
knees are held in place in the runners by pegs. The two knees of each 
pair are fastened together by pegs and by lashings of rawhide. The 
slats are sewed to the sills by a continuous rawhide line passing 
through a series of holes bored down through them and the sills, one 
stiteh being taken in each. The slats are attached to the upper side 
strips in a somewhat similar manner, only the sewing passes through 
the strips of wood and around the ends of the slats, each one being 
grooved for that purpose. The posts are fastened also to these strips 
of wood by a lashing of sinew. 

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Finally, there is a network of rawhide which is laid on diagonally 
between the upper rail and the strip along the top of the floor. This 
line passes backward and forward around each piece by a single turn, 
without knots. The knots in this sledge are half-turn netting knots, 
or what is called a " single bowline". In many cases the ends are sim- 
ply tucked under and drawn tight. Length of model, 9£ inches. 

Example No. 48104, from Norton Bay, is of similar construction, 
except in minor details. In this model the parts are not sewed together 
with rawhide. Length, 23 inches. Collected by E. W. Nelson. 

Example No. 1G9332 is the model of a sled in the U. S. National Museum, 
probably from St. Michaels, Alaska, consisting of runners, upright posts, 
sills or crosspieccs, bed or seat rails, traction piece, and handle. 

The runners are long, slender pieces of hard wood, broad below and 
narrow above, turned up in front twice as high as the level of the bed. 
There are five pairs of uprights mortised into the upper margin of the 
runners, raking backward at a slight angle and braced at the bottom 
with rawhide line seized through perforations in the upright and 
through the upper margins of the runners. This seizing is then neatly 
frapped and the euds tucted under. It is a very pretty piece of work. 

The sills on which the floor or bed of the apparatus rests consist of 
pieces of hard wood, with their ends forming a cylindrical tenon flttiug 
into an auger hole or round mortise. 

The bed consists of two wide outer strips or framework, and between 
them six narrower pieces, parallel and equidistant. These middle 
pieces are not cut or bored at all, but the two wide outer pieces are 
mortised through for the insertion of the uprights. . After the bed was 
in place a seizing of rawhide line was carried backward and forward, 
over and under the slats, and around the outside of the uprights, aud 
a frapping passed around between the slats, so as to form a perfect 
brace in every direction, holding the slats firmly to the sills and form- 
ing a perfect separation for the parallel parts of the bed. The outer 
rails of the bed pass forward and are bent upward to correspond with 
the ends of the runners. This is a very neat piece of rawhide work. 

The rail passes along the top of the uprights, which are mortised into 
them and held down by seizings of rawhide passiug through the upright 
and over the rail, neatly frapped. The front ends of these rails bend 
downward from the foremost upright and are neatly seized to the out- 
side rails of the bed. A network of rawhide joins the outside rails 
of the bed to the upper rail, formed by three parallel warp lines passing 
through the uprights, and a wedging made by a series of half hitches 
passing through the outer rail of the bed aud the upper rail at equal 
distances, forming rectangular spaces. 

The traction part consists of a bow seized to the foremost uprights, 
strengthened in front by a stout bit of wood just in front of the upper 
part of the runners. 

The haudle of the sled consists of a framework of wood very much 
like the handle of an old-fashioned horse rake. The ends pass down 

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and are seized to the second pair of uprights. The side pieces of the 
handle are attached to a crosspiece at the rear end of the sled and 
reseized to the upper rail. Outside of the handle two rawhide lines 
double and cross each other, neatly served with the same material. 
This whole apparatus is of such extraordinary workmanship that it is 
easy to say that much was made with modern tools and that little is 
the work of the Eskimo. The form approaches that of the Kamchatkan 
sled, and the seizing and knots of the rawhide are thoroughly aboriginal. 

Special attention is called to the very primitive fashion of network 
between the rail and the bed, in which the weaving is done by a series 
of half hitches. Length, 40 inches; width, 6 inches; height, 5£ inches. 

Example No. 48147 is constructed somewhat on the plan of the last 
number, but is very rudely made. The floor consists of four slats run- 
ning longitudinally between the sidepieces which constitute the frame- 

Fig. 245. 


Cut. No. 16H&fi7, U. S. N. M. Collects! by Dr. TarlKon H. Benn. 

work. Length, li feet 3 \ inches; locality, Anvik. Collected by E. W. 

Example No. 49111, from Tan an a River, Alaska, is the model of a 
sled consisting of runners curved up at both ends and knees or sup- 
ports for the floor or bed of the sled. There are three pairs of these 
supports, which are in the form of a ship's knee. They are slightly 
mortised into the upper part of the runner and secured there by a 
sewing of rawhide. 

The two knees lie together parallel at the top and extend far enough 
to support the rails which form the bed. They are held together by a 
lashing of rawhide, which also holds down the rails in their places. 
At the ends the rails are mortised into the crossbars. The runners, 
the outside rails, and these crossbars, terminate together and are 
lashed with rawhide. This forms a very light but strong sledge. 
Length, 35 inches. Collected by E. W. Nelson. 

On the Porcupine River, interior Alaska, Turner collected a sled 
(166974, U. S. N. M.) with the foundation like a toboggan and back and 
sides built up of dressed skins, and also a large lap robe of the same 
material. This should be compared with a precisely similar form in use 
in the Amur country. 1 

1 "Le Tour du Monde/' Paris, I, p. 106. 

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Example No. 168567, in the U. S. National Museum (fig. 245), from 
Togiak River, is a sled consisting of runners, two pairs of knees, and 
rails. The runners are stout pieces of wood, 1J inches thick above, 1 
inch thick below, and 3 inches wide, shod with bits of antler and bone 
fastened on with pegs or treenails. They are turned up abruptly in 

The knees are mortised into the upper margin of the runners and 
wedged in place. In order to bring the upper part of the knees closer 



Fig. 246. 


From a figure in the Ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. 

together, each one is chamfered and cut away so that the other can be 
partly let into it. These are then pegged together and sewed with raw- 
bide lashing. 

The rail consists of a round pole extending from the top of the runner 
in front on a level backward and lashed to the extended upper ends of 
the kriees. Along the upper margin of the runners holes are bored 
and loops of rawhide inserted for the attachment of the load and for 
bracing. For traction a line of braided sinew is provided. 

Tig. 247. 


From a figure in the Ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of Fthnolofy. 

This sled is said by the collector to be used in the transporting of 
kaiaks. Length, 6 feet. Collected by T. H. Bean. 

The sled of the southeast Alaskan is said to be about 20 inches in 
breadth and 10 feet in length, a sort of rail work on each side, and shod 
with boue, put together with wooden pins or with thongs or lashings 
of whalebone. 1 

Murdoch describes two kinds of sleds at Point Barrow: (1) The 
k&moti, for carrying general freight (fig. 246) ; (2) the unia, low and flat, 
without rail or standards (fig. 247). 

The k&moti consists of runners shod with strips of whale's jaw; 

1 Cook, "A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, 1776-1780, " in, p. 23. 

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standards, four on a side; sills for the flooring: of slats; crosspieee> 
or knees connecting the runners and supporting middle floor: rail on 
top of standards, raised above the floor and meeting the front of tin* 
runner. All these parts are fastened together by seizings of seal hide. 
The second type of Point Barrow sled, the unia, is a small, low drag 
for conveying bulky objects and hauling umiaks across laud ice. 


From a I'mn-r m tl><- Nintli Aiumul Kf|tort <>l the Hunan of Ethnology. 

Both kinds are made of driftwood and shod with strips of whale's 
jaw about three fourths of an inch thick, fastened on with bone tree- 
nails. For carrying a heavy load over soft snow the runners are slux! 
with ice. To each runner is fitted a shoe of clear ice, 1 foot high aud ti 
inches thick. From the ice on a pond they cut a piece the length of a 
runner, 8 inches thick and 10 inches wide. Into these they cut a groove 

Fi£. 249. 


Point Harrow. Aliuiku. 

nur.- in ill.- Ninth Annual Kr(>or! of th.- Ilurraii of Ethnology. 

deep enough to receive the sled runner up to the crosspiece. The sled 
is fitted into the grooves and water poured in gradually. The sled'K 
then turned bottom up and the ice shoes carefully rounded with a 
knife, then smoothed by wetting the naked hand aud passing it over 
the surface until ir becomes perfectly glazed. 

1 Ninth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 353. 

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Murdoch has carefully gathered the different methods of shoeing the 
sled. At Fury- and -Heela Straits ice and snow are mixed. At Cum- 
berland Gulf they pour warm blood on the under surface of the bone 
shoeing; water does not last so long and is more apt to chip off. About 
Repulse Bay they ice the runners by squirting over them water that 
has been warmed in the mouth. In eastern Labrador clay, tempered 
with hot water, is used first, and this is washed with water and pol- 
ished with the hand. In the Mackenzie region also earth, water, and 
ice are used. At Pitlekaj, Nordenskiold found the sled runners to be 
coated with a layer of two or three millimeters in thickness. Schwatka 
describes a custom in King Williams Land similar to the Point Barrow 
fashion. 1 

Ray brought home from Point Barrow example No. 89889, U. S. 
National Museum (fig. 248), a small sled, with ivory runners 20 inches 
long and 13 broad. The bed or floor consists of three narrow boards 
laid crosswise, held down 
by a low wooden rail on each 
side. Each runner is a slice 
from a single large walrus 
tusk, with the butt at the 
back of the sled. The floor Fi « 25 °- 

pieces, which are parts of a Bl ' ILT up 8LKD ' U8ED BY THE KUTC,,,N IND,AN8 

. , _ . li-i From a fiur** m \br Report of th<- Sm-thsonmn Institution, IW6. 

ship's paneling, are lashed 

to the upper edge of the runners so as to project about one-half inch 
on each side. The rails flare slightly outward. The whole is fastened 
together by lashings of rather broad strips of baleen, passing through 
boles near the upper edge of the runner, around notches in the ends of 
the slats and holes in the slats inside of the rails. There are two lash- 
ings at each end of each broad slat or floor piece and one in the middle, 
at each end of the narrow one. The last and the ones at each end of 
the sled also secure the rail by passing through a hole near its edge, in 
which are cut square notches to make room for the other lashings. 
The trace is a strip of seal thong about 5 feet long and one fourth inch 
wide, split at one end for about 1 foot into two parts. The other end is 
slit in two for about 3 inches. This is probably a broken loop, which 
served for fastening the trace to a dog's harness. 2 

Strachan Jones figures a Kutchin sled, turned up at either end. Upon 
this the women haul lodges, poles, and impedimenta. 3 (Fig. 250.) 

Example No. 7472 in the U. S. National Museum (fig. 251) is a sled 
from Fort Anderson, Mackenzie River district, consisting of two parts — 
the solid runners and cross slats. The runners are in the form of 
broad planks hewed out thick above and thin below, with a longer 

'Ninth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 353. 

2 Described and figured by Murdoch in Ninth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, 
p. 355. 

3 Smithsonian Rep., 1866, p. 321. 
H. Mis. 90, pt. 2 36 

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bevel ill front than in the rear. The five crossbars are mortised through 
the upper part of the runners in a very rude manner and fastened 
down with pegs. The line for hauling is attached to the front ends of 
the runners, just as in the case of the ordinary toy sled of boys in 

Fit:. 251. 


Cut- No. 747*, l. S. N. M. Colli-. t«-J by R. M*cF«rlan»- 

civilized countries. Although this was sent to the U. S. National 
Museum with a large collection of most interesting objects, it does not 
have the appearance of being an aboriginal form. Length, 7£ inches. 
Collected by R. MacFarlane. 

Fig. 252. 

Cat. No. Ifi3*. V. 8. N. M. Collected hy II. Mac Tn/hri* 

Example No. 1G38 in the U. S. National Museum (fig. 252) is the model 
of a sled from Anderson River consisting of high solid runners and 
crossbars. The runners have a long bevel in front and a short one in 
the rear, and are Rnwed off at the ends. There are three crossbars, 


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broad in the middle and chamfered at the ends for the lashing. Near 
the upper border of the runners holes are gouged through the wood as 
long as the end of the crosspiece is wide. A double lashing passes 
over the end and through these holes so as to give a double bearing 
or brace. This is a very common method of attachment among the 
Eskimo. In the model the lashing is done with rawhide and sinew 
twine. This example reproduces with considerable faithfulness the 
construction of the aboriginal types. The shoeing on the bottom of the 
runners is fastened on with pegs of wood. Length, 12 inches. Col- 
lected by K. MacFarlane. 

Example No. 7473 in the U. S. National Museum (fig. 253), is the model 
of a sled from Anderson River, northern Canada. The runners are 
wide, separate planks, curved up in front and beveled in the rear. Five 
crosspieces are attached to the top of the runners by means of sinew 

Fifc. 253. 

Mackenzie River District, Canada. 

Cat. No. 7*73, U. S. N. M. Collected by R. MacFarlamr. 

cord passing over the ends of the slats and through very rudely exe- 
cuted mortises near the edge of the runners. 

The winding of the thread passes over the slats outside and inside 
of the runner so as to form an excellent yielding brace. Mortising is 
very uncommon among aboriginal peoples, and therefore the needs of 
the fur traders are to be suspected. 

The front crosspiece is fastened on through two sets of holes instead 
of mortises. Between the slats on top of each runner six posts are 
mortised and fastened down with treenails, and a similar post is mor- 
tised through the upper surface of the hind slat. Along the top of 
these posts, at the sides and at the rear, are tight rails which extend 
out and are fastened to the upturned ends of the runners. The rails 
are sewed to the posts by means of babiche. Length, 14 inches. Col- 
lected by E. MacFarlane. 

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Example No. 7474 is the model of a sled from Fort Anderson, M* 
enzie River district, built up on knees, similar to example l*o. 49111 
Length, 12 inches. Collected by Kobert MacFarlane. 

The U. S. National Museum possesses a large number of full-size*: 
specimens of the Canadian toboggan. A model of one of them from 
Anderson River, northern Canada, example No. 197G in the U. S. 
National Museum (fig. 254) is made of two separate thin planks oi 
birch wood not more than three eighths of an inch in thickness. Tho* 
two planks are joined together pretty evenly at the inner edges and bel<i 
in place by four battens in the upper side, three of them at equal dis 
tances along the flat surface, and a double batten holding the two ends 
together in front. These battens are firmly secured in place by a lash 
ing of rawhide which passes over the batten through the boards. On 
the under side, the holes through which the rawhide passes are counter 
sunk, so there is no danger of being injured by abrasion. These raw 
hide lashings are put on with great regularity, showing on the under 

Fig. 254. 

CANADIAN TOBOGGAN OB KBBIOIIT SLED. X... l'.«7«. V. S. N. M. Cll.-cted by It MncK*rUne. 

side a pair of countersunk cavities on the boards so that every part is 
securely held in place where the most strength is needed. On the 
upper side the rawhide line shows an alternation of simple turns and 
marline hitches. The boards constituting the toboggan are curled up 
in front after the manner of an elegant sledge and sewed together 
with rawhide. This sewing is done in a very interesting manner. 
On the upper surface the holes appear some distance away from where 
the two margins are joined together, but on the underside they come 
out very near the margin so that they are bored out and unite along 
these edges. The front of the sled is braced by means of small 
cables of rawhide passing from the tip end to the planks below and to 
the first batten. There is also a strong rawhide line carried from the 
tip to the end of the last batten in the rear. This gives stability to 
the vehicle in every direction without increasing its weight. 

Upon this model is lashed a long capsule or open bag of tawed rein- 
deer hide bound around the edges and representing the cover or pro- 
tection in which the pack or load is placed and held securely* 

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The knots on this model are mostly half or marline hitches alternating 
with round turns. Here and there, in fastening off the work (among 
the American aborigines), a square knot is found (which is somewhat 
iiDusual in this writer's experience), the Indians of this continent using 
the plan of merely taking in a loose end and relying upon the shrinkage 
of the rawhide to hold it in place. Length, 2 feet 4 inches. Collected 
by B. R. Ross. 

Example No. 166974 in the IT. S. National Museum (fig. 255) is a trav- 
eling sled from Canada. The apparatus is based on a toboggan made 
of short planks and crossbars. The front is covered with leather for 
ornamental purposes and the skle and back are of moose skin set up on 
a frame of wood and iron painted red on the outside. The body or 
riding part extends backward to within 22 inches of the end, which is 
left free either for luggage or for the driver to stand on when he is 
riding. Rawhide lines or loops are attached to the side for the purpose 
of holding baggage or for the convenience of the driver. From the 
front to the rear extend doubled-braided lines a half inch wide, and the 

Fii;. 255. 


Porcupine Kiver, Alaska. 

Cat. No. 16fi974, I*. S. N. M. Collertwi hy J. H. Turner. 

interior is provided with a cover or boot of soft moose skin either for 
protecting the driver against the weather or for covering up the freight. 
Width, 14 inches; height of body, 18 inches. Collected by J. Henry 

Dr. Rae tells us that the Boothians use sleds of rolled-up sealskin, 
not from choice but of necessity, because they have little or no wood, 
and no large bones of the walrus or whale with which to construct 
them, as the Arctic Highlanders have. 1 

McClintock also says that the runners (or sides) of some old sleds left 
at Matty Island were very ingeniously formed out of rolls of sealskin, 
about 3£ feet long, and flattened so as to be 2 or 3 inches wide and 5 
inches high. The sealskins appeared to have been well soaked and then 
rolled up, flattened into the required form, and allowed to freeze. The 
underneath part was coated with a mixture of moss and ice laid 
smoothly on by hand before being allowed to freeze, the moss auswer- 

l " Eskimo Migration," Jouru. Anthrop. Inst., London, 1878, vn, p. 129. 

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Fig. 256. 


From a figure in the Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of EtboolofJ. 

The sleds of the Chippewayau are formed of thin slips of board, 
turned up in front, and are highly polished with crooked knives in order 
that they slide along more smoothly. They are made of the red or 
swamp spruce fir tree. 4 

Boas, from whom the following is taken, declares that during the 
greater part of the year the only passable road for the Central Eskimo 
is that afforded by the ice and snow; therefore sleds (qamuting) of 
different constructions are used in traveling. 

The best model is made by the tribes of Hudson Strait and Davis 
Strait, for the driftwood which they can obtain in abundance admits 
the use of long wooden runners (tig. 256). Their sleds (Boas, fig. 482) 

'McClintock's Narrative, etc., Boston, 1860, p. 233, with figure. 
'Smithsonian Rep., 1865, p. 135. 

3 Cf. Father Morice, Proc. Can. Inst. (Series 3), vn, p. 131. 

^Mackenzie, " Voyages, from Montreal through the Continent of North America," 
Philadelphia, 1802, p. 125. 



ing the purpose of hair iu mortar to make the compound adhere more 
firmly. 1 

The Pima Indians of Arizona are also said to make a wagon of hide 
for dragging their crops, and Peary relates that on one occasion he 
made a sled of musk-ox skin. 

"It is easier," he says, "to haul 150 pounds on a sled than to carry 50 ^ 
pounds on your back, particularly over the snow. The weight on the 
back sinks one down into the snow, while the sled is a much more easy 
process. For instance, on one occasion I hauled a sled carrying 60 or 
70 pounds for 1,100 miles, and our average day's journey was 24 miles. 
The snow was in fairly good condition, and we came back well. If 1 
had been carrying that weight, it would have been very difficult." 

Petitot says of the Slave Indians about Fort llae, Hudson Bay ter- 
ritory, that it is a singular spectacle to see a horde of these savages on 
their march over a frozen lake. As far as the eye could reach could be 
sepii a lonir file of slods and don's, of woirmn loaded with 



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have two runners, from*5 to 15 feet long and from 20 inches to 2£ feet 
apart. They are connected by crossbars of wood or bone, and the back 
is formed by deer's antlers with the skull attached. The bottom of the 
runners (qamun) is curved at the head (uinirn) and cut oft* at right 
angles behind. It is shod with whale's bone, ivory, or the jawbones of 
a whale. In long sleds the shoeing (pirqang) is broadest near the head 
aud narrowest behind. This device is very well adapted for sledding 
in soft snow ; for, while the weight of the load is distributed over the 
entire length of the apparatus, the fore part, which is more apt to break 
through, has a broad face, which presses down the snow and enables 
the hind part to glide over it without sinking in too deeply. 

The shoe (Boas, fig. 483) is either tied or riveted to the runner. If 
tied, the lashing passes through sunken drill holes to avoid any friction 
in moving over the snow. The right and left sides of a whale's jaw are 
frequently used for shoes, as they are of the proper size and permit the 
shoe to be of a single piece. Ivory is cut into flat pieces and riveted to 
the runner with long treenails. The points are frequently covered 
with bone on both the lower and upper sides, as they are easily injured 
by striking hard against hummocks or snowdrifts. 

The crossbars (napun) project over the runners on each side and 
have notches which form a kind of neck. These necks serve to fasten 
the thongs when a load is lashed on the sledge. The bars are fastened 
to the runners by thongs which pass through two pairs of holes in the 
bars and through corresponding ones in the runners. If these fasten- 
ings should become loose they are tightened by winding a small thong 
around them and thus drawing the opposite parts of the thong tightly 
together. If this prove insufficient, a small wedge is driven between 
the thong and the runner. 

The antlers attached to the back of the sled have the branches 
removed and the points slanted so as to fit to the runners. Only the 
brow antlers are left, the right one being cut down to about 3 inches in 
length, the left one to 1 J inches. This back forms a very convenient 
handle for steering the sledge past hummocks or rocks, for drawing it 
back when the points have struck a snowdrift, etc. Besides, the lash- 
iug for holding the load is tied to the right-brow antler, and the snow 
knife and the harpoon are hung upon it. 

Under the foremost crossbar a hole is drilled through each runner. 
A very stout thong (pitu) consisting of two separate parts passes through 
the holes and serves to fasten the dogs' traces to the sledge. A button 
at each end of this thong prevents it from slipping through the hole of 
the runner. The thong consists of two parts, the one ending in a loop, 
the other in a peculiar kind of clasp (partirang). Figure 484 (Boas) 
represents the form commonly used. The end of one part of the thong 
is fastened to the hole of the clasp, which, when closed, is stuck through 
the loop of the opposite end (see Boas, i\g. 482). A more artistic design 
is shown in fig. 485 (Boas). One end of the line is tied to the hole on the 

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underside of this implement. When it is in use the loop of the other 
end is stuck through another hole in the center and hang over the nozzle. 
The whole represents the head of an animal with a gaping month. T¥ 
dogs' traces are strung upon this line by means of an nqsirn (fig. 257;. 
an ivory implement with a large and a small eyelet (Boas, fig. 486). 

This whole account of the central Eskimo sled should be studied 
in the original memoir. 

Other sleds are made of slabs of fresh-water ice, which are cut and 
allowed to freeze together, or ot a large ice block hollowed out in the 
center. All these are clumsy and heavy, aud much inferior to the large 
sled just described. 1 



>rr in Ihr S.xtli lli-port of th»- Hurcaii of F.thnnlncr. 

The inhabitants of Hudson Strait leave Tuniqten in the spring, arrive 
at the head of Frobisher 15 ay in the fall, and after the formation oftk 
ice reach the Nugumiut settlements by means of sleds. 2 

The Eskimo sleds seen by Parry vary in size, being from 6i to 9 
feet in length, and from 18 inches to 2 feet in breadth. Some of those 
at Igloolik were of larger dimensions, one being 11 feet in length aDd 
weighing 2(58 pounds, and two or three others above 200 pounds. The 
runners are sometimes made of the jawbones of a w T hale, but more 

1 Sixth Ann. Kep. Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 529-538, figs. 482-4*9. 

2 Ibid., p. 423. 

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commonly of several pieces of wood or bone, scarfed and lashed 
together, the interstices being filled, to make all smooth and firm, with 
moss stuffed in tight and then cemented by throwing water to freeze 
upon it. The lower part of the runner is shod with a plate of harder 
bone, coated jrith fresh-water ice to avoid wear and tear and to make it 
run smoothly. This coating is performed with a mixture of snow and 
fresh water about a half inch thick rubbed over it until it is smooth 
and hard upon the surface. When the ice is only in part worn off, it is 
renewed by taking some water in the mouth and spirting it over the 
former coating. 

He noticed a sled which was curious on account of one of the run- 
ners and a part of the other being constructed without wood, iron, or 
bone of any kind. For this purpose a number of sealskins were rolled 
up and disposed into the required shape, and an outer coat of the 
same kind was sewed tightly around them. This formed the upper half 
of the runner, the lower part consisting entirely of moss, molded, while 
wet, into the proper form, and being left to freeze, adhering firmly 
together to the skins. The usual shoeing of smooth ice completed the 
runner, which for six months of the year is as hard as wood. The cross- 
pieces which form the bottom of the common sled were made of bone, 
wood, or anything they could muster. Over these was generally laid 
a sealskin as a flooring, and in the summer a pair of deer's horns are 
attached to the sled as a back, which are removed in winter to enable 
them when stopping to turn the sled up to prevent the dogs running 
away with it. 

The whole is secured by lashings of thong, giving it a degree of 
strength combined with flexibility which uo other mode of fastening 
could effect. 1 

The sleds of Smith Sound were made up of small fragments of porous 
bone, admirably knit together by thongs of hide. The runners, which 
glistened like burnished steel, were of highly polished ivory obtained 
from the tusks of the walrus. 2 

Nowadays, says Bessels. the sled is the only means of conveyance used 
by the Eskimo of Smith Sound. Before they came in contact with the 
white man this was composed of pieces of bone ingeniously fastened 
together with thongs of rawhide, but now wood is frequently used. 3 

In the U. S. National Museum is a model of a sled from North Green- 
land, example No. 10418. The parts to be noticed on this sled are the 
runners, the ivory shoeing of the runners, the crosspieces or flooring, 
the braces and handles, and the method of lashing the different parts 
together. Owing to the great scarcity of material in this Eskimo region, 

'William Edward Parry, " Second Voyage for the Discovery of a Northwest Pas- 
sage, " London, 1825, pp. 514-515. 

2 Kane, "Arctic Explorations," Philadelphia, I, 1856, p. 205, with illustrations. 

r Vessels, Am. Nat., 1881, p. POS, fig. 4. Also "Die Amerikanische Nord-pol Expe- 
dition," Leipzig, 1879, p. 30l», with two excellent ligures of old sleds. 

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most of their sleds as well as other apparatus are made of oak and other 
timber gathered from whaleships or wrecks. 

The runners are each of a single piece of wood, straight along the top 
and pointed in front by a long curve. Through the runners holes are 
bored along the upper margin for the lashing of the crosspieces and the 
handles, and in the lower margin for lashing of the shoeing. Between 
these perforations and the part to be lashed the wood is cut away, so * 
that the thong or other seizing is always countersunk and not exposed 
to be injured by abrasion of ice or snow. The shoeing is made up of 
pieces of ivory or bone fastened on by treenails at each end of the strips 
and firmly held to the runner by a series of lashings through counter- 
sunk holes. To effect this, first, a larger sized hole is bored in a little 
way from the bottom ; then two holes are bored from this point diag- 
onally, one having an outlet on the inner margin of the runner, and the 
other just on the outer margin of the runner, to meet the two holes 
bored for this purpose through the runner itself. A coarse lashing of 
thong is then sewed through the hole and through the runner around 
and around until the hole is filled up and well bound together. To 
hold the floor pieces on top each bit of wood is cut away so as to leave 
only a narrow end; a hide thong is wrapped around these ends down 
through the hole in the runner from side to side, in the usual method 
of the Eskimo. Braces run from the front crosspiece out toward the 
front of the sled and are held in place by treenails and lashings of 
hide passing through holes bored in each. The handles are of the « 
typical shape, and they also are sewed to the upper margin of the run- ' 

ner as described. A round piece of wood passes from handle to handle 
and is slightly let into each and held in place by a lashing of thong. 

In a word, the parts of the sled are all sewed together in such 
manner as to take the strain in every direction, and not to expose the 
material to abrasion at any point. This model is a fair representation 
of all the sleds, small and great, from this region. Length of model, 
14 inches. Collected by Dr. E. K. Kane. 

The parts of sled (No. 267f>) to be now studied are the runners, the 
shoeing, the crossbars, the handle, and the lashing. (Fig. 258.) The 
runners (as in the case of most from this region) are made of oak planks 
less than 1 inch thick, 4 inches high, and 2 feet 4 inches long, taken from 
whaleships. Evidently these runners have formed part of a sled prior 
to their use in this one, for there are a great many holes bored along 
the top and bottom which now have no function. Each runner is shod 
with strips of narwhal ivory. Holes are bored through the runners 
three-fourths of an inch from the bottom, and the wood is cut away 
between these holes and the bottom so that the rawhide lashing may be 
countersunk. The shoeing is fastened to the runners in the following 
manner : Holes half an inch apart are bored diagonally through the ivory 
so as to meet in a single countersunk cavity below. At every point of 
attachment there are two sets of these holes, one near the outer margin 


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of the shoeing, the other near the inner margin. The rawhide lashing 
passes through the runner, then down through one of the diagonal holes 
in the shoeing and up through the other, then through the runner to 
the inside, and down, and up through the diagonal bores in the shoeing 
back to the outside, as indicated in the drawing. The only exception 
to this method of attachment is where two ends of the shoeing come 
together. In that case the bore passes down through the shoeing a 
quarter of an inch from the end, and a slight gutter is cut from 
this perforation to the end of the ivory. When two pieces are 
bored and guttered in this way, a rawhide line passes down through 
one along to the other in the countersink; the lashing then passes up 

Fig. 258. 

Cat No. 2676, U. S. N. M. Collected by Dr. E. K. Kane. 

front one has been mended by a splicing of bone, as there is no bracing 
whatever in the Greenland sled beneath. The lashing of these cross- 
bars is very complete and efficient; holes are bored through the runners 
1J inches from the top, just below where the crossbar is to be attached. 
The crossbars ase cut away at the ends, so as to form a notch like a 
dovetail. A stout rawhide line passes over this notch and down through 
the runner to the inside, up over the notch and down to the hole in the 
runner, and back to the outside. These excursions through the runner 
and over the end of the crosspiece continue until the holes are filled 
up; the strands of the lashing are seized firmly by several turns of the 
rawhide line. In this particular case a half turn of the lashing passes 
also through old holes that were used when these runners were part of 
another sled. 
The handles are very much like those of a plow. They fit on the top 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


of the runner at the hind end, and are held on by a rawhide line pass 
ing through a series of holes bored in the runner and in the hand If. 
In addition to this, a rawhide line passes from a hole in the handle 2 
inches above the runner to another hole in the heel of the sled. Two 
inches below its upper margin a rawhide line is rove four times through 
and fastened off by a half hitch; this part of the work is very neatly 
done. The upper part of the handles are joined together by a cross- 
piece, which is held on by ;» diagonal lashing. 

The knots on this sled are very interesting, consisting of splices or 
whip knots (a very common device in all rawhide lines), overhand knots, 
and a series of half turns. After all, the most efficient knot is that shown 

^^^ TTj^JS Bfe^r^^^^ 

Fig. 259. 

RomiHelaer Ilarl^or, Greenland. 

C ,t. N„. 10417. V. 8. N. M. Coll«rtt>d by Dr. E. K. K*m». 

in the attachment of the crosspieces to the runuers, consisting of a seizing 
fastened off with a single half hitch; the side strand and fore and aft 
strand are taken up very effectively by this method of lashing. 

In a land where there is no other mode of attachment, of coarse the 
sled maker has to rely upon his rawhide Hue to hold the parts of the 
vehicle together. Collected by Dr. E. K. Kane. 

There is in the U. S. National Museum (example No. 10417, fig. 259), 
a sled runner made from sections of the bones of a whale, mitered and 
fitted together, and then sewed by lashings of rawhide lines. 

The shoeing is made of seven strips of ivory and bone sewed on to 
the runner by means of a rawhide line passing through the runner and 
through the shoeing, the gutters being countersunk, so as to prevent 
the abrasion of the united material. Length, 25£ inches. 

General Greely figures a modern Greenland low sled with crossbars 
and handles of wood, and by the side of it an old specimen with runners 
of driftwood shod with bone, three wooden crosspieces and bandies of 
whale rib lashed on to the runners with thong and having a crossbar at 
the top. 1 The specimen is much dilapidated. 

Example No. 89941, in the TJ. S. National Museum (fig. 2G0) is a sled 
from Labrador, consisting of three parts, the runners, the crosspieces, 
and the floor or bed. The runners are of wood, bent up slightly at the 
front. On the top of the runners, front and rear, jogs have been cut 
and perforated. On the top of these rest the crosspieces or sills, and 
above this three slats running longitudinally, one in the middle, and 
one at each side connected with the runner in front. The parts are 

1 "Lady Franklin Hay Expedition," I, pi. vi. 

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fastened together by lashing. Length, 94 inches. Collected by Lucieu 
M. Turner. 

The komatik, according to W. A. Stearns, is a sort of sled used by 
Indians of Bonne Esperance Island, and looks very much like a magni 
lied specimen of one of those latter articles. Its dimensions vary from 
9 to 13 feet in leugth, from 2 to 3 feet in width, and it stands about 8 
inches from the ground. The wood is wholly pine, and the side bars 
are cut out of thin deal boards, planed down to about 1 or rarely 2 
inches in thickness, with the front ends turned up like the front run- 
ner of a modern sled; the sides are often beveled, so that the bottom 
is one-fourth or one half an inch wider than the top. The upper part 
of the sled is made of a number of thin pieces of wood of equal length 
and about 4 inches in width, with the ends rounded, and then notched — 
for a purpose that will appear hereafter.' The front and rear pieces are 
similar, but of double the width, while the thickness of all is about the 
same, generally one-half an inch, though the eud pieces are perhaps a 
little thicker. Each piece has two pairs of holes bored through it on 
either end, the distance between each pair of holes being that of the 
width of the top of the runuer, and the distance between the holes of 
each pair being about half an inch. Between each pair the end is then 
gouged out crosswise about one fourth of an inch deep, while the inner 
pair are connected at right angles by another gouge, the purpose of 

Fig. 200. 
Cat. No. 89911, U. S. N. M. Collected by Luc.en M. Turner. 

which will soon be seen. A curious fact is that all these holes are 
bored out with a red-hot iron, to make them smooth and even. On the 
side bars or runners, at a regular and previously measured distance 
apart, are bored holes to the exact number of the crossbars. The holes 
are bored one a little above and the next a little below the preceding 
one, so that when done the whole presents two unequal rows, hence the 
liability of splitting the soft pine in the sewing process is lessened. The 
next work is sewing the parts together. For this a coarse salmon net 
twine is threaded into a needle used for the purpose, and each cross- 
bar is sewed to the corresponding holes in the runner, in and out of the 
holes on either side of the bar itself, and drawn as tight as possible; 

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the needle then slips under the twine through the groove across the 
inner pair of holes, and a loop and a stout pull fasten it; thus each bar 
is sewed on till all are tight. The forward end of each side bar must be 
strengthened by a long, thin iron placed lengthwise along the inner side 
of each bar and sewed tight to the boards. 1 

The sleds of the Iroquois Indians, says Charlevoix, which serve to 
transport the baggage and in case of necessity the sick and wounded, 
are two small and very thin boards half a foot broad each and 6 or 7 
feet long. The fore part is somewhat raised and the sides bordered 
with small bands, to which the thongs for binding whatever is* laid on 
the carriage is fastened. Let these carriages be ever so much loaded, 
an Indian draws them without difficulty, by means of a long thong or 
strap, which is passed round his breast. 

They use them likewise for carrying burdens, and mothers for carry- 
ing their children with their cradles; but in this case the thong or 
collar is placed upon their forehead, and not on the breast. 2 

The line between savagery and barbarism puts the wheel on the side 
of the latter. Barbarous man in traction should therefore form a later 
chapter, full of interest and necessary to the whole history of land trans- 
portation and travel. As late as 1878 the only railroad in China extended 
10 miles from the Kaiping coal mines to the sea. The motive power was 
men, who worked twelve to fourteen hours and received 10 cents a day. 

Sleds in the U. S. National Museum. 













Sled, reindeer, and driver 


Sled, model 

Sled runner, hIioo of 

Dog Hied, model 

Sled, of whale bone, double 

Sled, wooden ruunern shod with 
whale's bone. 

Sled, model 

Sled (of wood) 

Sled, model 

Sled (Ingalik) 

do .' 



Babicho sled line (Dog Rib Indians) 

Reindeer sled line 

Dog sled (Chippewayan) 

Sled (Eskimo). 





Icy Cape 

St. Lawrence Island. 

Poonook, Alaska 


Norton Bay, Alaska . . . 
St. Michaels, Alaska . . 
Norton Sound, Alaska. 

Anvik, Alaska 

Togiak, Alaska 

By whom contributed. 

University of Christian ia- 
Centennial Commissi on. 
Lieut. Wilkes, U.S.N. 
Dr. L. Stejneger. 
Dr. T. H. Bean. 
E. W. Nelson. 
Henry W. Elliott 

K. W. Nelson. 
L. M. Turner. 

E. W. Nelson. 
World's Columbian Ex- 
E. W. Nelson. 

Tanana River, Alaska 

Porcupine River, Alaska | J. H. Turner. 

Fort Simpson B.R.Ross. 

do I Do. 

Slave Lake, Canada i Do. 

Mackenzie River R. MacFarlane. 

Sled runners (Eskimo) i Frobisher Bay Capt. f\ F. Hall. 

Sled rnuners and crossbar (In- I Ross's ship, Victory, Re- i Do. 

nuit). | pulse Bay. | 

1 Steams, " Labrador," Boston, 1884, pp. 145-146. 
8 Charlevoix, " Voyages to North America," i, p. 336. 

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Sleds in the U. S. National Museum — Continued. 




























Whale jawbone, used in making 

Sled, runner of 

Sled runner (Eskimo) 


Sled (toy) 


Sled (Montagnais Indians) 

Sled, reindeer 

Sled (dog), Eskimo 


Sled or traineau 


Sleds (2) 


Sled (dog), model 


Sled (Eskimo) 

Sled, boys 1 , whalebone runners — 

Sled (Dr. Kane's) 

Sledmodel (Dr.Kane's) 

Sled, shod with iron 


Sled, childs (model) 



Sled runners (2 ivory and 2 wood) . . 

Sled, shod with whalebone 

Double sled, whale rib 

Sled, Eskimo 

Sled (dog) 

Sled (model) 

Sled (dog team), model 

Sled (model) 


By whom contributed. 

Repulse Bay Henry Grinnell. 


Polaris Bay 



UngavaBay, Labrador. . 


British Columbia 

Anderson River 



Fort Anderson 


..--do. ...J 

Fort Resolution 

Slave Lake 




South Greenland 

East Greenland 

Smith Sound 

Fort Yukon, Alaska 


Poonook, Bering Sea 

St. Michaels, Alaska .... 

Capt C. F. Hall. 
Dr. E. Bessels. 

L. M. Turner. 

Henry G. Bryant 
B. R. Ross. 
R. MacFarlane. 





R. Eennicott. 
B. R. Ross. 
Henry G. Bryant. 
Dr. J. J. Hayes. 
Henry Grinnell. 

Mrs. Olivia Pavy. 
Dr. Sophus Miiller. 
Dr. E. Bessels. 
E. W. Nelson. 
T.T. Minor. 
Henry W. Elliott 


Chas. L. McKay. 
E. W. Nelson. 
J. H. Turner. 

E. W. Nelson. 


To this vast subject of going about afoot and riding, of carrying 
singly and cooperatively, and of shifting the burden upon the backs of 
beasts, there are subsidiary conveniences of great importance, such as 
the following, including all activities covered by classes 4 and 5, men- 
tioned on page 254. 

1. Koads and bridges, involving the entire subject of primitive 

2. Provisions for extending the length of the journey and the time 
that may be spent away from home. 

3. Condensed and special food for long trips, and travelers' drugs. 

4. Natural, artificial, and human guides. 

5. Provisions for camping, resting, relaying, sleeping, feeding ani- 
mals, etc. 

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6. Signaling, postal service, and couriers. 

7. Measures of time and distance, clocks, calendars, stations, mile- 
stones, length of journey and extent of commerce, etc. 

8. Apparatus of trade, money. 

9. Markets, bazaars, and fairs. 

10. Amnesty and laws of travel and trade. The social organizations, 
laws, and customs involved in and created by this vast industry. 

None of these topics can be fully elaborated here. Some of them 
will be considered and illustrated from material in the Museum later. 

1. Roads and bridges. — The U. S. National Museum has among its 
treasures a collection of primitive bridges, to be used in illustrating the 
history of that series of inventions which led up to the modern roadbed 
and railroad. The earliest roadmakers were not engaged in casting up 
highways, but in keeping them clear. The most primitive bridges were 
logs or great rocks across streams, and, after that, bridges supported 
on trees, posts, vines, aud braces, anticipating in a rude way the pier 
bridge, the suspension bridge, and the cantilever. Fords and portages 
were a part of this activity. 

Mankind had walked over every habitable part of the globe before 
there was a beast of burden. The trails laid down by ruminants were 
adopted by man until the earth was a network of primitive roads. 

"Locomotion among the Western DdneY' says Morice, " is ordinarily 
by walking in very narrow paths, though the Tsil-koh-tin and South- 
ern Carriers now travel on horseback. More commonly the Carriers 
use as highways the numerous lakes that dot the country in summer 
and winter." 1 

The obstacles iu the way of early travel and the indefatigable energy 
of men in passing over them are well set forth in Mrs. Bishop's travels 
among the western Tibetans. The following elements of difficult prim 
itive travel are mentioned about the Shayok River: 

Winter traffic along river beds nearly dry. 

Summer caravans laboring along difficult tracks at great heights. 

Climbing difficult rock ladders and perilous stairways. 

Crossing glaciers tilled with yawning crevasses. 

Hiding along precipice ledges on the yak. 

Leading baggage horses down precipices, with men holding the head 
and tail of each. 

Travelers and goods making perilous runs in scows, poled and pad- 

Swimming the animals through the cold water. 

"We had," writes Mrs. Bishop, "twelve horses, all led. < Water 
guides' with 10-foot poles sounded the rivers ahead; one led Mr. Red- 
slob's horse in front of mine with a large rope, and two more led mine, 
while the gopas of three villages and the zenrindar steadied my horse 
against the stream. * * * All the chupas went up and down sound- 

1 A. G. Morice, Proc. Canadian, Inst. (Series 3), vn, p. 131. 

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ing long, before they found a possible passage. All loads were raised 
higher, the men roped their soaked clothing on their shoulders, water 
was dashed at our faces, and then with shouts the whole caravan 
plunged into deep water, strong and almost ice cold. The traveler 
from Kashmir to Tibet can not be borne in a carriage or a hill cart. 
Much of the way he is limited to a foot path, and walks down all 
rugged and deep descents and dismounts at most bridges. The roads 
are bridle paths, worn by traffic alone across the gravelly valleys, but 
elsewhere constructed with great toil and expense, along narrow val- 
leys, ravines, gorges, aud chasms. For miles at a time this road has 
been blasted out of precipices from 1,000 to 3,000 feet in depth, and is 
merely a ledge above a raging torrent, the worst parts, chiefly those 
around rocky projections, being scaffolded, i. e., poles are lodged hori- 
zontally among the crevices of the cliff, and the roadway of slabs, 
planks, and brushwood or branches and sods is laid loosely upon them. 
This track is always wide enough for a loaded beast, but in many places, 
when two caravans meet, the animals of one must give way and scram- 
ble up the mountain side." * 

In a subsequent paper trails, roads, portages, and bridges, especially 
of aboriginal America, will be more fully treated. 

2. Increasing the length and the time of journeys. — There are many 
regions of the earth that were positively inaccessible to primitive man; 
but there are also vast tracts that, while they are uninhabitable, are yet 
accessible and may be crossed. A part of the history of travel relates 
to invading and traversing these spaces. If there had been no such 
intervals, there would have been little travel. As we have a modulus 
of early culture in the depths at which people might operate in the 
earth or in the sea, so we have another in the length of journeys and 
the number of months or years that would be devoted to a single round 
or excursion in walking, packing, boating, sledging, or with flocks and 
herds. These distances in modern commerce constitute the haul be- 
tween producer and consumer. 

Birds of passage made formerly longer journeys than men, and the 
length of their migrations in time and distance was equaled, perhaps, 
by those of fishes and marine mammals. The motives which governed 
the movements of these creatures were very simple, but these same 
constituted the incentive to human movements over the earth. The 
coming and going of birds and marine creatures are likewise the occa- 
sion of an enormous amount of human bustle and running about. 
Most of the domestication of animals is caused by a desire to have 
them at our doors, and to make us independent of their migrations. 

In addition to the great migrations of aerial and marine creatures, 
many land animals were often obliged by natural conditions to travel 
great distances; and the inquiry is also concerning the self-imposed 

1 Mrs. Bishop, "Among the Tibetans, " Chicago, 1894, pp. 36, 76. 
H. Mis. 90, pt. 2 37 

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loads of men ami the distances to which they bore them in order to fol- 
low the caribou, the buffalo, the elephant, etc., for the purpose of living 
upon them. 

All of these combine to pive confidence to men, to enlarge their cos- 
mogony and to stimulate the cooperative activities which make it possi- 
ble to go away farther and return. 

In every tribe there are stories of travelers who have made long voy- 
ages and returned. Dr. Boas says that the myths" of the northwest 
coast of America point across the Pacific ; all of them are Odysseys. 
Besides that class of traditions which fix upon the present habitat as 
the primal home, there is another class of migration myths. One 
school of interpretation may appreciate and another depreciate the 
real length of the migration. That is not mooted here. They are 
migration myths, and relate to wanderings. 

The U. S. National Museum comes in contact with such by its collec- 
tions of mythological material — carvings, totem posts, paintings, marks 
on pottery, masks, dress, figures on boats, paddles, carrying baskets, 
and even in the stitch or mesh in weaving. The length of a sled or of 
a boat, the number of parts to a dog harness, the existence of certaiu 
kinds of packing cases, the calendar, and many other objects which 
the curator has to handle every day, are in fact metric apparatus to 
indicate how far away the owners are bold enough to go. 

Again, the perfecting of devices prolongs the day's travel. Nansen 
tells of a kaiak journey of 80 miles in a single day, and Schwatka said 
in a lecture that he had made over a hundred miles in one continuous 
excursion with a company of Eskimo. 1 

The East Greenlanders journey around to West Greenland to get 
snuff, and will consume four years in a single excursion there and back. 
Nansen says that they often remain no longer than an hour at the 
trading station aud then take up their homeward march. 

The Mauchu and Manyarg who navigate the Sungari are said to 
spend eight days from the mouth of the river to Sansin; and the voy- 
age to Tsitsikar or Mergen requires a month. They either tow their 
boats from the land or push them along with long poles. 2 

The Tuski, near East Cape, undertake journeys to Kolima occupying 
six months, and to other points requiring four months. 3 Wrangell 
supposed that some men passed their lives thus, but Hooper does not 
seem to be of this opinion. The journeys are undertaken with reindeer 
and large covered sleds. Furs and ivory are taken to be exchanged 
for tobacco, beads, knives, prints, sugar, spirits, etc. 4 

Formerly, says Seton-Karr, the different tribes of northwest British 
Columbia were afraid to quit their tribal territory, but now Indians 

! F. Nansen, "The First Crossing of Greenland," London, I, p. 367; u, p. 436. 
9 Ravenstein, "Russians on the Amur," London, 1861, p. 261. 
3 Hooper, "Tents of the Tuski." Loudon, 1853, p. 185. 
«Ibid„ p. 186. 

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can be found willing to accompany the white man through regions that 
are as strange and unknown to them as to him. Some, for instance, 
have accompanied miners as far as the mouth of the Yukon, and 
returned home by way of San Francisco. 1 

The extent and direction of aboriginal journeys and commerce have 
been in one place cut off, in another greatly stimulated, by contact 
with the Caucasian race. Certainly in Canada the fur- bearing animals 
were soon killed* about the trading establishments, and the Indians 
were stimulated to make greater and greater excursions into the 
wilderness and from the wilderness to the trading posts. 2 

3. Travelers' food and drugs. — Condensed food and stimulants are 
necessary to a long journey, and the invention of them has incited 
much ingenuity. So frozen food in the north is succeeded by pemmican 
and this by meal, cassava, taro, tsamba, or what not, in order that a 
great deal could be put into a small space. 

The U. S. National Museum has made a large collection of this packed 
and condensed travelers' food, and among the specimens illustrating early 
medicine are many of the strength-sustaining drugs among savages. 3 

The Indians of southern Yucatan, according to Morelet, never set 
out on any expedition without a supply of pozol. This is maize made 
into a kind of paste, sweetened with sugar to suit the taste, and when 
mixed with water serves at once for food and drink. It is at the same 
time the most economical and portable kind of provision for a journey. 4 

Chocolate, says Humboldt, is easily conveyed and readily employed. 
As an aliment it contains a large quantity of nutritive and stimulating 
particles in a small compass. It has been said with truth that, in the 
East, rice, gum, and ghee (clarified butter) assist man in crossing the 
deserts ; and so, in the New World, chocolate and flour of maize have 
rendered accessible to the traveler the table-lands of the Andes and 
vast uninhabited forests. 5 

4. Guides, natural and human. — Nowadays the steel rail holds the 
vehicle smoothly and directly to its course, and on the waters artificial 
buoys, light-houses, and apparatus for observing the heavenly bodies 
and for steering do almost as well for the ship. 

Primitive men were not without their folk astronomy, instincts, nat- 
ural pilots, and experiences. They also knew how to keep the traveler 
or the boat on a direct way. Winds blow, waters run, natural objects 
animate and inanimate on which man depends move and have their 
areas of dispersion. 

1 H. W. Seton-Karr, Proc. Roy. Geog. Soc, London, 1891, xm, p. 73. 

2 Mackenzie, "Voyages from Montreal through the Continent of North America," 
Philadelphia, 1802, p. i. On lengthening the journey, consult also W. C. Bonipas, 
"Northern Lights on the Bible," London, 1894, pp. 63-68. 

3 Cf. Index-Catalogue Surg. General's Library, Washington, s. v. 

4 Morelet, "Travels in Yucatan," New York, 1871, p. 65. 

6 Bonn, "Travels to the Equinoctial Regions of America," London, 1852, II, p. 59. 

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It has been said that the islanders of the Pacific wandered after all 
automatically about and settled their archipelagos. 1 

Above this unconscious guidance there is an accumulation of folk- 
lore and folk experiences in all savages that are truly the marvel of all 
intelligent travelers. 

Moreover, there is a sign language of travel. The Africans had one 
system, the Americans another. It is an interesting group in the 
U. 8. National Museum, merging on one side into music, on the other 
into the apparatus of war. 

Early in September, 1513, says Helps, Vasco Nunez set out on his 
renowned expedition for finding the "other sea," accompanied by 190 
men well armed, and by dogs, which were of more avail than men, and by 
Indian slaves to carry the burdens. He went by sea to the territory 
of his father-in-law, King Careta, by whom he was well received, and 
accompanied by whose Indians he moved on into Poncha's territory. 
This cacique took flight, as he had done before, seeking refuge among his 
mountains; but Vasco Nunez, whose first thought in his present under- 
taking was discovery, not conquest, sent messengers to Poncha, 
promising not to injure him. The Indian chief listened to these over- 
tures and came to Vasco Nunez with gold in his hands. He did no 
harm to Poncha, and, on the contrary, secured his friendship by pre- 
senting him with looking-glasses, hatchets, and hawks' bells, in return 
for which he obtained guides and porters from among this cacique's 
people, and was enabled to prosecute his journey. 

Following Poncha's guides, Vasco Nunez and his men commenced 
the ascent of the mountains until he entered the country of an Indian 
chief called Quarequa, whom they found fully prepared to resist them. 2 

Balboa on arriving at the coast of the Pacific in 1543 " seems to have 
heard of a wealthy tribe who lived on the seacoast far to the south and 
used large sheep as beasts of burden. 3 * * * The supposition that 
accounts of Peru had reached the Isthmus, notwithstanding the great 
distance, involves nothing impossible." 

Quite as much as shepherds watching their flocks, travelers and car- 
riers have watched the stars, mapped out the heavens, and guided their 
way on land and water by the celestial lanterns. 

The Eskimo in traveling use the north star as a guide. Their 
knowledge of seasons is also wonderful. The seasons have distinctive 
names, and these are divided into a great number, of which there are 
more during the warm weather than during the winter. 4 

Roger Williams says, "The wildernesse being so vast, it is a mercy, 
that for a hire a Man shall never want guides, who will carry provisions 

'"Die nnfreiwillige Wandernngen im Stillen Ozoaii," Petermann's Mittheilungen, 

2 Helps, "The Spanish Conquest in America, " New York, 1856, i, p. 340. 

3 Bandelier, "The Gilded Man," New York, 1893, p. 5, quoting Herrera, Dec. i, Lib. 
x, Cap. in. * 

4 Lucien Turner, Eleventh Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 202. 

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and such as hire them over Rivers aud Brookes, and find out often- 
times hunting houses or other lodgings at night. 

44 1 have heard of many English lost and have oft been lost my selfe, 
and my selfe and others have been often found and succoured by the 
Indians. 1 * # * 

44 They are so excellently skilled in all the bowels of the Couutrey (by 
reason of their hunting) that I have often been guided twentie, thirtie, 
yea, sometimes forty miles through the woods a streight course, out of 
my path/' 

5. Provisions for camping on the road. — Lengthening a journey 
beyond the endurance of a single effort involves the puttiug down of 
the load and resting. The steps in the progress of invention leading 
up to the resting and relaying elements of many modern cities seem 
to have been — 

1. Modifying the packing apparatus so that it could be laid aside 
and resumed with least effort. 

2. Carrying the means of providing temporary bed, shelter, fire, food, 
and defense. 

3. On the establishment of regular trails, temporary shelters were 
provided, which the traveler might use and proceed. No attendants 
were needed. 

4. Caravansaries, where for a fee the traveler and porter might sleep 
and be fed, and where his commodities could be safely housed from 

5. Hostelries, villages, repair shops, stores — in short, the setting up 
of a travel center. 

Aborigiual hospitality had its first motive largely in the traveling 
industry, and its abolition was caused by the superabundance of travel 
causing the existence of hostelries and guilds relating thereto, creating 
a public sentiment against receiving strangers free of charge. 

The methods adopted by the Central American Indians when pre- 
paring to pass the night upon an open savanna were instructive. In 
the first instance they placed upon the ground a quautity of broad dry 
leaves to protect them from the damp grass. They then dispersed, and 
in a few minutes the adjacent forest resounded with the noise of the 
blows made by their machetes. They returned bearing loads of fire- 
wood and also several strong forked branches. These they sharpened 
at one end and fixed into the e^rth near the camping pl^ce to form 
supports to carry the bales of tobacco. In this manner the cargo was 
raised about 3 feet, aud thus they carried out the invariable rule of the 
Indians, who never leave anything upon the ground at night. They 
then lighted a large fire. 2 The tambo of Peru was a hut of refuge along 
the public trails and highways across the despoblader or desert regions. 

1 Roger Williams, Coll. R. I. Hist. Soc, I, p. 72, with vocabulary for guide, hire, etc., 
with derivatives. 

s Bnne, "The American Indians, Their Earthworks and Temples," London, 1849, 
pp. 291-292. 

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Mr. im Tburn speaks of the Indians who accompanied him in Guiana 
as lying in hammocks under which tires were lighted. But they also 
compelled the boys to take lighted palm leaves and singe them as they 
lay in their hammocks to destroy savage insects. 1 

0. Signals, couriers, and post*. — The IT. S. National Museum has an 
interesting collection relating to conveying information for and by 
travel. The emergencies of the growing state, as in Peru, demanded 
that the central power should be more rapidly informed. The separate 
elements in the problem before the early man were the following: 

1. To substitute for the long walk a succession of quick runs — 

2. To have trained professionals with road conveniences and guard — 

3. To have an esoteric sign language to the eye and to the ear, by 
which information may be conveyed to the traveler as he goes along, by 
which one traveler may leave word for another or, finally, to get rid of the 
traveler altogether by a system of telephoning or of visible speech. 

Langsdorff mentions the use of fire signals in Japan. "In defiance 
of the interdict the fishermen informed us that four days before intelli- 
gence was communicated to Nagasaki by fires in the night of a three- 
masted vessel being oft* the coast ; that at our appearance oft' the har- 
bor information of it was conveyed by a post of observation upon the 
nearest hill." 2 

"The Micmacs have a system of communicating while in the woods. 
Sticks are placed in the ground; a cut ou one of them indicates that a 
message in picture writing on a piece of bark is hidden near by under 
a stone. The direction in which the stick leaus from its base upward 
indicates that in which the party moved, and thus serves as a conven- 
ient hint to those who follow to keep off* their hunting ground." ? 

The method of the Karankawa of communicating with each other 
when parties were at adistauce was by smoke. By some means known 
only to themselves, and carefully kept secret, the smoke of a small fire 
could be made to ascend in many different ways, as intelligible as 
spoken language to them. At night the horizon was often dotted in 
various directions with these little fires, and the messages thus con- 
veyed seemed to govern the movements of the Indians. 4 

Das Auslaud for February, 1889, et seq., has a very interesting 
article by Robert Muller on u Life and Occupation in the Cameroon," 
in which a curious instrument is thus described: A log is hollowed 
out and is divided along the transverse diameter by a bridge, upon 
which a drumstick is beaten to produce sounds of different tones. 
This rather unpromising instrument becomes of great importance as 

1 "Indians of British Guiana," Loudon, 1883, p. 12. 
2 Langsdortf, " Voyages and Travels," London, 1813, I, p. 220. 
*S. Hager, Am. Anthropologist, Washington, 1895, viu, p 31. 
4 Gatschet, "The Karaukawa Indians," Cambridge, 1891, p. 19. 

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a means of communication and may, in fact, be called a " drum tele- 
graph." The villages are situated comparatively close together, and 
by means of the drum news is communicated rapidly from one village 
to another. A regular drum language has been invented, and this can 
be imitated with the mouth or beaten on the breast, so that con versa, 
tion can be carried on by the natives in the presence of white men 
without the latter understanding it, though comprehending the spoken 
language. The drum also serves the ordinary purpose of an instru- 
ment to dance by, etc. 1 

The Jivaros practice a system of telephony, which has at all times 
been very dangerous to their adversaries in war, by giving strokes on 
the "tunduli," a large drum, which is heard from house to house and 
passed on from hill to hill. The houses are all over their territories at 
convenient distance for the purpose; and in this manner very varied 
information is conveyed in a few moments to all the families of hordes 
dispersed over a large extent of country. This was the greatest 
danger the Spaniards had to contend with, and is still a main source 
of protection to these Indians, as they can rouse a large number at a 
moment's notice and sound the alarm through entire hordes. 2 

The messenger, mail carrier, dispatch bearer, professional courier, is 
equipped and exercised after the manner of the traveler. Altogether 
these men are a device like a machine, transforming numbers of men 
into velocity. 

To develop an extensive system of couriers in ancient times, extended 
territory and a strong central government were needed. Hence the 
Greeks, having a small territory. and disunited states, were not moved 
to establish any such institution. 

In very early times among the Egyptians there were provisions for 
the conveyance of letters; but their system of rapid communication, if 
they had any, is not revealed. 

Rome, on the other hand, and especially under the Empire, had, as 
will be seen, roads through all the territories they conquered. Besides 
the marching of armies over them and the general traffic, these roads 
were the means of continuous and rapid intelligence. 

Among the Italian allies of Rome, officials on public business imposed 
any conditions they chose on the people along their way, such as fur- 
nishing food, lodging, fresh beasts, and even transport. Senators or 
ministers carried a mandate to subjects and allies to supply them with 
all uecessaries for the journey. For the purposes of dispatches there 
were a variety of men and methods. These are well worked out in 
Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, third edition, 
under the phrase cursus publicus. Such terms as couriers, messengers, 
mounted couriers, stations, or relays (mutationes), postal stations (man- 
siones), conductors, guards, drivers, beasts of burden or conveyance, 

'H. W. Henahaw, Am. Anthropologic, in, p. 292. 
2 A. Simsoii, .Jouru. Anthrop. lost., 1880, May, p. 387. 

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rolling stock, passports, smack of the read and great movements of 
people and money and goods. We read that the communities were 
bound to rarnish and maintain the teams and to keep the stables ui 
repair. They had further to secure the services of muleteers, mtuY 
doctors, wheelwrights, grooms, and conductors (vehicularii). To organ 
ize and to keep moving such complicated machinery required excellent 
management and training. From such a well-defined system backward 
to more primitive methods constitutes the early history of culture in 
this regard. 1 

The Persian Empire under Darius, son of Hystaspes, affords the 
earliest instance of a national postal service. Mention is made of a 
class called symmaci as existing in the most ancient times among the 
Egyptians for the conveyance of letters by land. 2 In Persia horsemen 
stationed at intervals, and relieving one another, conveyed the imperial 
will in all directions from Susa, Ecbatana, or Babylon. 

u The post is carried by Lapps and reindeer overland in Finmarlin 
from Alten to Vadso, Kantokeeno, Karasjok, and other points in the 
Arctic, and it rarely fails to arrive on schedule time." 3 

Langsdorff thus speaks of travel in America at the beginning of the 
century. In consequence of an entire failure of communication by 
water, that by land exceeds what anyone could expect. Posts go regn 
larly from Vera Cruz to all the provinces of North and South America. 
A courier comes in about two months from Mexico to San Francisco, 
the farthest establishment to the north. It commonly brings the news 
from Europe of about six months back. From San Francisco anyone 
may travel with the greatest safety, even to Chile; there are stations 
all the way kept by soldiers. 4 

On the lofty plateau of Vilque, between Puno and La Paz, says 
Wiener, there are regular couriers. The master of the post has in his 
stable several mules and in his service chasqui who are accompanied by 
their women. This service is well done. At 2 kilometers from the sta^ 
tion the courier sounds on his horn, and beasts are put in the post road 
to be ready when the chasqui arrives. Only half an hour is lost at the 
station. 5 

7. Metrical appliances. — In many places and ways transportation has 
been a promoter of invention for metrical appliances. The pack load 
of a man is a unit of weight in Africa and America. Layard says that 
wheat and barley in Armenia are sold by the camel load, nearly +S0 
pounds. It is said that Charles V amused himself with clocks when 

1 Beare, in Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, s. v. Yehicmhuti 
Cursus Publicw. 

2 Ibid. 

3 Rasmus B. Anderson, Senate Ex. Doc. No. 73, Fifty-third Congress, second session, 
p. 148. 

4 Langsdorff, "Voyages and Travels," London, 1814, n. p. 207. 

5 Wiener, "Pcrou et Bolivie," p. 392. On the whole subject of signals, cf. Mallery, 
Fourth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology. 

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his mind became enfeebled. But some one remarks that his study of 
clocks was a profound appreciation on his part of the fact that his 
ships could go no farther until his clocks ran better. 

Almanacs or records of the days of the year and clocks or artificial 
devices for recording time of day must necessarily have occurred to 
those who had to get about more forcibly than to those who stayed at 
home. Indeed, antedating the invention of weights and measures was 
the art of counting, or simple arithmetic. The systems of counting 
were greatly improved by the art of transportation. The thousands of 
tally clerks on the docks belong to an old race, older than their demure 
prototypes on Egyptian monuments keeping the tale of bricks. 

Vaca says that the Indians of a tribe he visited gave him " 2,000 
back loads of corn." The back load was therefore the unit of measure. 1 

"They are punctuall in measuring their Day by the Sunne, and 
their Night by the Moon and the Starres, and their lying much abroad 
in the ayre; and so living in the open fields, occasioneth even the 
youngest among them to be very observaut of those heavenly lights." 2 

While exchange and all its mechanism constitute a separate body of 
industry, it can not be denied that weights and measures set agoing a 
large fraction of these activities. Before things can be bartered, some 
one must go and get them for that purpose; he must bear them to and 
fro or to stated meeting places, and arrive on time. Commerce instigates 
very largely the ransacking of the earth and the manufacture of her raw 
materials. All these, as well as barter at every point, regulated mostof 
the travel and carrying, by perfecting clocks and calendars. 

The early conquests of the Assyrians in India had enabled the 
Indians to carry on a great trade in ivory, and from them the Tyrians 
drew their ivory for the great throne of Solomon. "The men of Dedan 
were thy merchants, they brought thee for a present horns of ivory and 
ebony" (Ezekiel, xxviii, 15} Isaiah, xxi, 13). 3 

The inhabitants of the settlements about the mouth of the Anadyr 
divide their time in summer between fishing and bunting the wild 
reindeer, which make annual migrations across the river in immense 
herds. In winter they are generally absent with their sledges, visiting 
and trading with the waudering Chukchi going with merchandise to 
the great annual fair at Kolima. 4 The reindeer is their calendar. 

The Giliak of the Tymy collect immense stores of frozen fish, not 
only as food for themselves and their dogs during winter, but also as an 
object of trade with the Aino, Orochon, and Giliak of the coast and 
mainland, and the Mangun of the Amur. The Aino bring to the valley 
of the Tymy at stated seasons Japanese goods, the Orochon furs, the 
others copper, seals, Russian and Manchu merchandise. 5 

1 Davis, "Spanish Conquest of New Mexico," p. 105. 

2 Roger Williams, Coll. R. I. Hist. Soc, I, p. 67. 
3 Hart, "Animals of the Bihle," London, 1888, p. 91. 
<Kennan, "Tent Life in Siberia/' p. 288. 

6 Ravenstein, "Russians on the Amur," Loudon, 1861, p. 271. 

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Hooper says that the Tuski exchange skins of the reindeer and a 
small portion of the meat for sealskins, whale, walrus and seal's flesh, 
tasks, sinews, etc., all of which are much less valuable than their own 
commodities. Sealskins they need for marine employments, as those of 
the reindeer are destroyed by salt water; the aliens require deerskins 
for hut furniture. 1 

A company of hunters in 1646 sailed down the Kolima River to the 
Polar Sea. East of the Kolima they fell in with the Chukchi, with 
whom they dealt in this way: They laid down their goods on the beach 
and then retired, on which the Chukchi came thither, took the goods, 
and laid furs, walrus tusks, or carvings in walrus ivory, in their place. 

Herodotus already states in Book iv, chapter 196, that the Cartha- 
genians bartered goods in the same way with a tribe living on the coast 
of Africa, beyond the gates of Hercules. The same mode of barter or 
commorce by deposit was still in use nearly two thousand years later, 
when the west coast of Africa was visited by the Venetian, Cadamosto, 
in 1454. 2 

Hooper saw in the hands of an Eskimo at Barter Island an example of 
the knife called " dagne," obtained from Hudson Bay Company's Indians. 3 

Since the beginning of our century European fleets have visited the 
west shore of Baflin Bay and Davis Strait, and thus manufactures from 
that country have found their way to the inhospitable shores of the 
Arctic Sea. The most valuable articles which were bartered were 
metals and wood. The value of the former may be seen in its economi- 
cal application for knives and harpoon heads. 4 

The ordinary trade of the Eskimo is purely primitive, people going 
to the sources to procure the commodity. But Murdoch tells of a com- 
pany of more southern natives who brought a boat load of skins of the 
bearded seal to Point Barrow for sale, to be used to cover Umiaks. 5 

The very simplest form of commerce on the western continent does 
not seem to have been in the hands of peddlers; but certain necessary 
articles like salt and other minerals existed in mines or quarries situated 
inside the boundaries of certain tribes. The owner did not dig the 
material and carry it about to sell or exchange it, but the people who 
wanted the article had to go after it and pay some kind of tribute for 
the privilege. Thus, the Tanos held the veins of turquoise or kaiaite at 
Cerillos. The Teguas, Piros, and Zunis were settled near salt marshes. 
The Queres of San Felipe had in front of their village large veins of 
mineral paint, for adorning pottery. 

According to Bandelier, in 1540, the Pecos Indians came to Zuiii 

'Hooper, " Tents of the Tuski/' Loudon, 1853, p. 35. 

2 Ramu8io, "Navigationi et Viaggi," i, 1588, leaf 100; Nordenskiold, " Voyage of 
the Vega," New York, 1882, p. 453. 
3 " Tents of the Tuski," London, 1853, p. 257. 
4 Sixth Ann. Rep. Bnrean of Ethnology, p. 466. 
6 Ninth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 44-55. 

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witli buffalo hides. The people of Acorn a exchanged cotton mantles 
again8tdeer8kin with the Navajo; the Utes traded at Taos; the Apaches 
of the Plains came to Pecos with buffalo robes. The Pecos people did 
not allow the Apache to enter their village. They even kept a watch 
with trumpets. l 

The Wyaudots bartered the surplus of their maize fields to surround- 
ing tribes, receiving fish in exchange. The Jesuits styled their country 
(Lower Canada) the granary of the Algonquian. 2 

As evidence of traffic in the mound-building period, Professor Put- 
nam instances finding obsidian knives. Now this material belongs 
stratigraphically in the Yellowstone Park or in the Colorado Valley or 
in Mexico. He found also mica from North Carolina, gold, silver, 
meteoric iron, alligator's teeth, and shells from the Gulf of Mexico. 

The trade between Ottawa Eiver and Hudson Bay is mentioned by 
the Jesuits. 3 

"Among themselves they trade their Come, Skins, Coates, Venison, 
Fish, and sometimes come ten or twenty in a company to trade amongst 
the English. They have some who follow onely making of Bowes, some 
Arrowes, some Dishes (the women make all their Earthen vessells) 
some follow fishing, some hunting, most on the seaside make money and 
Store up shells in Summer against Winter whereof to make money." 4 

Breckenridge remarks that the Louisiana nations have considerable 
trade or traffic with each other. The Sioux have for this purpose regu- 
lar fairs or assemblages at stated periods. The same thing prevails 
with the nations on the southwest side of the Missouri. Those toward 
the south have generally vast numbers of horses, mules, and asses, 
which they obtain in trade, or war, from the Spaniards or nations imme- 
diately bordering on New Mexico. These animals are chiefly trans- 
ferred to the nations northeast of the river by such of the southern 
tribes as happen to be on good terms with them, who obtain in exchange 
European articles, procured from the British traders. Their stock of 
horses requires to be constantly renewed by thefts or purchases. From 
the severity of the climate and the little care taken of the foals, the 
animal would otherwise be in danger of becoming extinct. Their mode 
of trading with each other is perfectly primitive. There is no bargain- 
ing or dispute about price. A nation or tribe comes to a village, encamps 
near it, and, after demonstrations of a thousand barbarous civilities on 
both sides, as sincere as those which are the result of refinement, one of 
the parties makes a geueral present of all such articles as it can con- 

1 Archieol. lust. Am. (Am. Series), in, 1890, p. 164, quoting Espojo and Castafteda. 

8 Parkman, " History of the Conspiracy of Pontiac," etc., Boston, 1891, I, p. 23, 
referring to Mercier, " Relation des Hurons," 1637, p. 171. Also F. J. Turner, Johns 
Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, Series 9, Nos. xi-xn. 

3 " Relations des Jesuites," 1640, Tome 1, 34. " Ceux-cy ont au Nord les Timiscimi, 
les Outimagami, les Ouachegami, les Mitchitamon, les Outurbi, les Kiristinon qui 
habitent sur les riuves de la mer du Nord ou les Nipisiriniens vont en marchandise." 

* Roger Williams, Coll. R. I. Hist. Soo., I, p. 133. 

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veuieiitly spare. The other a short time after makes in return a similar 
present. The fair is then eoncluded by a variety of games, sports, and 
dances. They hold the mode of trading by the whites in great con- 
tempt. They say it displays a narrow and contemptible soul to be 
weighing and counting every trifle. The price is usually fixed by the 
chief and his council, and the nation as well as traders must submit. 1 

The Crows annually visit the Mandans, Minnetarees, and Ahwahha 
ways, to whom they barter horses, mules, leather lodges, and many 
articles of Indian apparel, for which they receive in return guns, ammu- 
nition, axes, kettles, awls, and other European manufactures. When 
they return to their country they are in turn visited by the Paunch 
and Snake Indians, to whom they barter most of the articles they have 
obtained from the nations on the Missouri for horses and mules, of 
which those nations, i. e., the Paunch and Snake, have a greater abun- 
dance than themselves. They also obtain of the Snake Indians bridle- 
bits and blankets and some other articles which those Indians purchase 
from the Spaniards. The bridle-bits I have seen in the possession of 
the Mandans and Miuuetarees. a 

In the volumes of Lewis and Clark the Arikaree are described as mid- 
dle men. Being agriculturists, their corn, beans, and other products 
enabled them to procure peltry from other tribes and to exchange these 
with the white traders for goods. The Arikaree are described as will- 
ing to give anything they had to spare for the most trifling article. 
One of the men gave an Indian a hook made out of a pin, and received 
in return a pair of moccasins. 3 

The buffalo is procured by the Skilloot from the nations higher up 
the river, who occasionally visit the Missouri; indeed, the greater pro- 
portion of their apparel is brought by the nations to the northwest, who 
come to trade for pounded fish, copper, and beads. 4 

The Chilkats and Chilkoots will not allow the inland tribes to approach 
the coast with their furs, but insist on acting as middlemen between 
them and the white traders. For this reason they assure themselves 
whether or not anyone comes to trade with these inland tribes. 5 

Among the coast Indians north of Puget Sound there are in each 
tribe officers who keep record of the mutual debts of individuals — a 
kind of public ledger. The astonishing thing is the fact that these men 
hold the accounts in their memories. There is also a fixed rule about 
interest — that is, the amount of property that must be returned for a 
gift or a loan. 

The Makahs, from their peculiar locality, have been for many years 

'Brackeuridge, "Views of Louisiana." 1811, p. 71. 

2 " History of the Expedition under the command of Lewis and Clark, 1804-1806," 
New York, 1893, I, p. 198, quoting from Lewis's "Statistical View," London, 1807, 
p. 25. 

3 Ibid., I, p. 164. 

« Ibid., in, p. 957. 

6 H. W. Seton-Karr, Proc. Roy. Geog. Soc, London, 1891, xni, p. 82. 

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the medium of conducting the traffic between the Columbia River and 
coast tribes south of Cape Flattery, and the Indians north as far as 
Nootka. They are emphatically a trading as well as a producing peo- 
ple; and in these respects are far superior to the Clallams and other 
tribes on Fuca Strait and Puget Souud. Before the white men came 
to this part of the country, and when the Indian population on the 
Pacific Coast had not been reduced in numbers, as it has been of late 
years, they traded largely with the Chinook at the mouth of the 
Columbia, making excursions as far as the Kwinaiult tribe at Point 
Grenville, where they met the Chinook traders, and some of the more 
venturesome would even continue on to the Columbia, passing through 
the Chehalis country at Grays Harbor and Shoal water Bay. The Chi- 
nook and Chihalis would in like manner come north as far as Cape 
Flattery; and these trading excursions were kept up pretty regularly, 
with only the interruption of occasional feuds. 1 

All the tribes living on Puget Sound sold strings of dried clams and 
oysters to the interior tribes. The Haida went down to Vancouver Island 
every winter and dried these mollusks to carry home and use in barter. 

It was their custom to catch and dry not only enough for their own 
use, but also a vast quantity for the purpose of trade with the inland 
and mountain tribes. Every fall they loaded their canoes with dried 
salmon and sturgeon and quantities of hiaquas and went to the Cas- 
cades (the rapids of the Columbia River, about 150 miles from its 
mouth), where they met the Indians from the mountains and plains and 
bartered their dried fish and hiaquas for slaves and for the skins and 
meat of the buffalo. They used the buffalo skins for making their sum- 
mer wigwams and their winter clothing and beds. The gray seal, 
beaver, and otter were abundant in and about the mouth of the Colum- 
bia and its tributaries; and bear, panther, elk, and deer roamed the 
forests at will, but the Chinook were fishermen, not hunters, and killed 
only enough of the land game to partially supply them with meat and 

In olden times the Chinook dealt very largely in slaves. Trading 
as they did with the inland Indians — who were much of the time at 
war with each other, aud, making slaves of their prisoners, desired a 
market that would take these slaves as far as possible from their native 
country — the Chinook had a tine opportunity to purchase and bring 
these slaves to the coast These they sold to the tribes both north and 
south, realizing a handsome profit, and becoming the wealthiest nation 
in all that part of the country. 2 

On account of the demand for animal products, commerce extended 
in the Southwest over much greater expanses than might be supposed. 
Iridescent shells from the Gulf of California found their way to Zuni 
through Sonora and the Colorado peoples. The Hova, who dwelt in 

1 Swan, "Indians of Cape Flattery/' Washington, 1869, pp. 30-32. 

2 Strong, " Wah kee nan and Her People," New York, 1893, Putnam, pp. 126-127. 

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Sonora and Chihuahua, exchanged the feathers of the large green par 
rot for greenstone. At Gasas Graudes, Bandelier saw turquoises, shell 
beads, and marine snails; among the latter, species found only in the 
West Indies or in the Gulf of California; among others, TurrUdh 
broderipiana from the Pacific, Conu8 proteus from the West Indies, and 
Conu* regularis from the west coast of Mexico. 1 

"The possession of turquoise in the small range of mountains called 
Cerillos gave the Tanos Indians, of Galisteo Basin, a prominent posi- 
tion among their neighbors. The Zuni enjoy similar privileges, which 
cause their modest relations of commerce to extend as far as the inte- 
rior of Sonora and the Colorado of the West." 2 

When Marcos de Niza was thirty days' journey from Cibola he talked 
with Indians who had been there. " Upon being asked why they had 
traveled so far from home, they answered that they were going in 
search of turquoises, hides of cattle, and other things ; # * * that 
they were in the habit of going into the first cities of the province and 
serving the inhabitants by tilling the soil and in other occupations, for 
which they received in exchange hides and turquoises." 3 

The first President of Mexico had in his employ a Tejos Indian, the 
son of a merchaut engaged in trading, in the interior of the country 
bird feathers, to be made into plumes, for gold and silver. This Indian 
said he had made two trips with his father to Cibola. 4 This connects 
the city of Mexico with Zuni. 

Bandelier speaks of the civilized tribes of Central Granada, who 
carried their salt over the beaten mountain paths to the cannibal 
inhabitants of the Cauca Valley and received gold in exchange for it 5 

The most precious commodity among the Muysca was salt. In 
white cakes, like sugar loaves, it was carried over beaten paths from 
Bogota west to the river Cauca, and north from tribe to tribe down 
the Magdalena for a distance of 100 leagues. Regular markets were 
maintained, even in hostile territories, and the Muysca received in 
exchange for their goods, gold, of which they were destitute and 
which their neighbors had in abundance. 6 

Each tribe of British Guiana has some manufacture peculiar to itself 
and its members constantly visit the other tribes, often hostile, for the 
purpose of exchanging the products of their own labor for such as are 
produced only by the other tribes. These trading Indians are allowed 
to pass unmolested through the enemy's country. When living among 
the Macusi, I was often amused by a number of those Indians rushing 
into my house, in the walls of which we had had windows pierced, who. 
with bated breath, half in joy, half in terror, used to point through the 

'Bandelier, Archa»ol. Inst. Am. (Am. Series), m, p. 39. 

2 Ibid., p. 36. 

3 Davis, " Spanish Conquest of New Mexico/' p. 123. 

*Ibid., p. 113. 

6 "The Gilded Man," New York, 1893, p. 6. 

e Ibid. 

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window to some party of their enemies, the Arecunas, coming with cot- 
ton balls and blow pipes for exchange. It is these traders who carry 
with them the latest uews. 1 

8. Money and its predecessors. — The collection of primitive money in 
the U. S. National Museum includes those objects that among savages 
are prized not only for their intrinsic qualities, but because they afford 
fixed standards of wealth and media for the exchange of other com- 
modities as they have been transported from tribe to tribe. 

1. Shells, different species in different localities. 

2. Disks of shell, that is manufactured money. 

3. Feathers, in tufts or made up into standard ornaments. 

4. Blankets, skins, and robes. 

5. Cut stone. 

Long-distance carrying and multiplied handliugs, added to the cost 
of production, created money, and thus the things to be handled and 
carried were so greatly iucreased in number by the demand for them 
that the ultimate price was lowered by the transportation. 

The original treasure of the Pueblo Indian consisted of shell beads, 
green stones, and of objects of worship. Many a good horse is still 
purchased from the Navajo by means of turquoises alone. Bandelier 
also refers to the exchange of turquoises for parrots , plumes, quoting 
Cabega de Vaca. a 

The Samoan women manufactured fine mats from u the leaves of a 
species of hibiscus, scraped clean and thin as writing paper and slit 
into strips about the sixteenth of an inch wide. When completed they 
were from 2 to 3 yards square. Few of the women can make them, and 
many months, yea, years, are sometimes spent over the plaiting of a 
single mat. These fine mats are considered the most valuable prop- 
erty, and form a sort of currency which they give and receive in exchange. 
They are preserved with great care. Some of them pass down in a 
family through several generations, and as their age and historic value 
increase they are all the more prized." 3 

9. Markets, bazaars, and fairs. — In a museum such things exist in pic- 
tures, photographs, and descriptions. In reality the market, the bazaar, 
and the fair are organized and temporary gatherings of merchants and 
buyers agreed upon for certain hours, months, or years for the pur- 
poses of exchange. 

They become more and more world embracing. Primitively they are 
known to have existed on each of the continents and to have furnished 
temporary political and industrial centers of great stimulus. In all the 
epochs of culture few stimuli to universal travel have been greater. 
They are in the same class with convocations, anniversaries, and public 
fiStes. But they involve carrying no less than travel. In a paper now 

l im Thurn, "Indiana of British Guiana," London, 1883, p. 271. 

8 Bandelier, Archaol. Inst. Am. (Am. Series), ill, 1890, p. 213. 

'Turner, "Samoa a Hundred Years ago and Long Before," London, 1884, p. 120. 

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being prepared on American Aboriginal Industries a list of trade cen 
ters on tbe Western Coutiuent will be given. 

10. Amnetfty and lawn of travel. — Finally, there do not seem to have 
been anywhere in the world tribes of savages living contiguous that 
did not grant special amnesty to travelers and carriers and traders. 
Froui these agreements have sprung international law, the latest wort/ 
in the comity of nations. 

In the development of the rudiments of international law, the estaV 
lishment of treaties, and agreements concerning amnesty tbe trader 
or mercator must have been a largely ruling motive. International 
law was and is largely evoked by the exigencies of trade movements. 

"If any robbery fall out in travell, between persons of diverse States, 
the offended State sends for Justice. If no Justice be granted ami 
recompence made, they grant out a kiud of Letter of Mart to take 
satisfaction themselves, yet they are carefull not to exceed in taking 
from others, beyond the proportion of their own losse." ' There is no 
doubt of trade amnesty and the law of reprisals, but it is questionable 
whether the old rule was not interpreted as elsewhere to mean " an eye 
for au eye," etc., or even more than that. 

Cabe^a de Vaca remained among the Charruco Indians six years 
(1528-1533), dressing like a savage. He traveled as a peddler from 
tribe to tribe over many hundreds of square miles. This was said to 
be convenient to the Indians because they could not traffic in tin* 
of war. Into the interior Cabe§a carried sea snails and their core, 
medicine, sea beads, etc., and brought back skins, ocher, flint, cement, 
arrow shafts, tassels of deerskin, ornamented and dyed red. He was 
treated kindly everywhere, the Indians trading food for wares. He 
became a person of great importance and was much sought after. 2 

As intimated more than once in this paper, travel and transportation 
by land pass in their elaboration from man power to the forces of phys- 
ical nature through the epoch of beast power, and it will be in order, in 
a subsequent paper, to study out the rude appliances and methods of 
primitive peoples in their first employment of domestic creatures to 
carry them on their backs, to haul them in some sort of conveyance, or 
to draw loads for them. 

There are a number of elements which enter into the organization of 
traveling on foot which pass into more definite forms as soon as beasts 
take the place of men in the labors here considered, such, for instance, 
are roads, bridges, harness, and others, which it will be necessary to 
consider or to investigate with much greater care in the study which 

It is also more than once mentioned that the two great phases of 
carrying were by land and by water. It will be in order, therefore, to 
follow this paper with a second one, in which should be studied out the 

1 Roger Williams, Coll. R. I. Hist. Soc, I, p. 77. 

8 Davis, "Spanish Conquest of New Mexico/' Doylestown, 1869, p. 58. 

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inventions of the lower races of meu pertaining to the use of water as 
a means of traveling or moving burdens. The first devices of this kind 
were simply floats for bearing up the human body or some sort of load, 
in order to move it across still water. Many substances were employed 
in this capacity, such as very light wood, the hollow stems of plants, 
the skins of animals inflated, and vessels of pottery. The second step 
in the elaboration of water conveyance was that in which some kind of 
displacement took the place of mere flotation. As soon as means were 
found to direct the course of a floating body, the ship was in progress 
of invention. 

Among primitive forms for navigation the earliest represent the 
efforts of the human mind to devise the rudder, the fixed keel, the 
shifting sail, and means for storing up provisions for a long journey. 
As soon as these were achieved, savagery changed to barbarism or 
civilization, and the limits of this study were fixed. 
H. Mis. 90, pt. 2 38 

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Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Digitized by VjOOQIC